Reflections on the Institute as Development in Urubichá
CIS final project--Chiappari, May 2006
A Western classical music school in an isolated indigenous town in the Bolivian Amazon seems an unlikely source of development. In the days of Bretton Woods development was technology, fertilizers and huge hydroelectric dams. As modernization theory was rejected and development became “alternative” it was manifested in indigenous crafts, organic chocolate, and women’s cooperatives. Music was seldom a part of this equation, not to mention art in general (with the exception of “crafts,” which certainly are art, but rarely considered such). And yet, the Instituto de Formación Integral de “Coro y Orquesta Urubichá” is a fascinating—and unique—case of economic, cultural and social development and its success has implications for future development projects and studies.
In my use of the term development I draw from Udombana’s definition of it as the “fulfillment of human potential” and Seymour’s as “giving people more choices.” These are fairly progressive definitions of what development should be, I appreciate their placement of quality of life and people’s needs at the center of the discourse, instead of economics. However, I ultimately prefer Chiappari’s understanding of development as “society maintenance,” because it does not make a value judgment on the quality of development (many development projects have far from fulfilled human potential) and can be applied to more than just people, but nonhumans as well. In this sense, the Institute has facilitated many forms of society maintenance, and thus development, in the town of Urubichá, Bolivia.
Power Dynamics and Cultural Encounters
Franciscan missionaries originally introduced western music to Urubichá as a form of colonization. It was later reintroduced by a young Guarayo man from a neighboring town at the request of the local German priest in 1989. Since then, international and urban national actors have generated much of the support and demand for classical music in Urubichá. Thus, the context of the Institute is situated in layers of cultural encounters and power, which make it vulnerable to accusations of Westernization, imperialism and inauthenticity. In a harsh critique, Prudencio reflects on the Institute:
The result is the celebrated exploits [of the]…Chiquitania Indians of the musical practices that paradoxically neutralized their ancestors. To the eyes and ears of a blind and deaf society–the children presented like monkeys, skillful in their ability to learn a language, without questioning its true significance. So it doesn’t help them to understand their own history, and less so to decide how they want to continue doing it. That’s how you colonize someone.
Prudencio is not the only one focus on the Institutes history with colonization.
In early, post-world war development studies modernization and the West were presented as the ideals “developing” countries should strive for. This strategy was pursued aggressively throughout the world by the West (especially the United States) and often caused more harm then good. Since then, modernization theory has been accused of being a neocolonialist project to maintain control over Third World resources and populations. Most alternative development scholars are now wary of Western culture and values being imposed on and warping non-Western cultures. The danger lies in going to the other extreme and rejecting all things Western simply because of their source. Pieterse warns against romanticizing the purity of local cultures:
Local culture…is not an uncontaminated space but a field criss-crossed by traces of migrants, travelers, traders, missionaries, colonizers and anthropologists.
Narayan describes how national cultures in the Third World have come to be seen as “valuable merely by virtue of the fact that they are of longstanding” and in these same contexts Westernization is selectively rejected.
This “selective labeling” of certain change and not others as symptoms of “Westernization” enables the portrayal of unwelcome changes as unforgivable betrayals of deep-rooted and constitutive traditions, while welcome changes are seen as merely pragmatic adaptations that are utterly consonant with the “preservation of our culture and values.
Narayan argues that gender is significant in determining whether or not a change is seen as Western or not. For example, Indian women who wear jeans are perceived as Westernized, while Indian men are not. I argue that the same can be said for indigenous people in the Third World (i.e. Guarayo Urubicheños). Somehow, it is more socially acceptable for men and non-indigenous groups in the Third World to embrace aspects of Western culture.
The story of the Institute is further complicated by the fact that it is not just teaching Western music, but Western classical music, which is often considered elitist within Western culture. In a review of music education programs in Britain, Green found that “both for cultural reasons concerning musical value, and for economic reasons concerning access to musical tuition, working-class children were less likely to select music courses, and even when they did select them, they tended to be disadvantaged.” Green also noted that until recently, classical music was perceived as the most valuable form of music within Western society.
I am not attempting to argue that Westernization and modernization are the magic cure for the Third World afterall —it is not as if they have worked very well for the West either. The point I want to make, though, is that just because something has roots in Western societies, does not mean it is inherently imperialistic or harmful. Cultures are not static and constantly interact with each other; it is acceptable for two cultures to adapt to each other. In the Urubichá case, the Guarayos seem to have appropriated Western classical music for their own purposes. As the director of SICOR told me, “The Guarayos are warriors, they have conquered this music.”
Social and Human Capital
The Institute has facilitated the creation of social and human capital in Urubichá, which are both significant aspects of development. Social capital is defined in terms of relations, which can take the form of expectations and obligations, information networks and social norms and sanctions. Human capital is “created by changes in persons that bring about skills and capabilities that make them able to act in new ways.” The Institute has created social capital through participation in transnational and national networks. Creation of human capital has emerged as language fluency, music and teaching skills, education, and the ability to interact with diverse groups of people.
The students at the Institute have frequent contact with people outside of Urubichá through traveling, participation in the biannual international festival of mission music, and the outsiders who come to Urubichá in the form of tourists and teachers. Relationships with outsiders have created several overlapping social networks. These networks include individuals, NGO’s, other musical groups, and other schools all over the world. This social capital has provided students with access to new information about the rest of the world and music. New norms have also emerged in which Urubicheño music students feel comfortable with outsiders.
This social capital has contributed to the creation of human capital. Students’ Spanish skills have improved dramatically due to increased contact with monolingual Spanish speakers. Spanish fluency affords students more leverage in the Bolivian labor market. A 2000 study in several Bolivian cities found that monolingual Spanish speakers earn about 25% more than Bolivians who speak Spanish and an indigenous language and bilingual speakers earn about 25% more than women who only speak an indigenous language.
Education levels increase through participation in the Institute and students develop specific skills—knowledge of how to play an instrument, how to read music, how to teach music, how to work within an ensemble, and the discipline of practicing. Graduates of the music school receive a degree in teaching music, which is rare in Bolivia, especially in the lowlands. This degree gives graduates access to a limited number of music teacher jobs throughout the country. In addition, the presence of the Institute has probably contributed to a demand for high schools in Urubichá and helped provide the capital to build them. In 2000, the first high school was built. Most music students also attend other classes in the afternoon at the local grade and high schools. Therefore, the Institute has increased formal educational levels in Urubichá for all young people, not just musicians.
One of the most interesting effects of the Institute is the strengthening of indigenous identity, which is discussed extensively in my main paper. I argue that a strong sense of positive identity is an asset for development because it gives a person the confidence in his or her skills. Human capital is useless if the people who possess it do not believe they are important enough to participate in the process of development. Indigenous identity is particularly important in Bolivia where racism against indigenous groups (by both non-indigenous and indigenous people) has significantly hindered the creation of social and human capital. However, in Urubichá, the Institute has helped build up a greater sense of indigenous and individual identity that makes the musicians feel more confident in their abilities and rights.
Economic Development
The local economy of Urubichá has changed dramatically since 1989. People within SICOR attribute this economic growth, job creation and increased capital to the indirect effects of the Institute. By training teachers, the Institute has created local jobs with relatively good salaries. These local teachers then invest their salaries in the community. The fame that the orchestra has acquired has also influenced Urubichá’s economy—the orchestra put the town on the map and now government attention and funding is more forthcoming. Increased tourism and travel have provided a larger market for local “crafts” (i.e. hammocks and purses), thus introducing more capital and allocating more economic power to the artisan women.
Since 1989 electricity has been installed in the town plaza and some homes, several new stores have sprung up and families are better able to provide food for themselves. The economic influence of the Institute certainly has contributed to this shift.
Lessons in Development
The Institute was not founded as a development project, and yet it has been the main source of positive development in Urubichá in the last fifteen years. Clearly this is a unique case, but there are still some lessons that can be learned from it about development in general.
First, development projects are not always deliberately initiated to foment development. The original intent, in the case of the Institute, was to bring music back into the church, not to transform the town. From this we see that development scholars, NGO’s and field workers are not the only ones who can initiate the process of development. Second, local involvement in and desire for development is crucial for its success. Local people know their own needs best and are more likely to sustain a particular project if they have helped build it. Third, the arts can have a role in development. Art can be sold (like weavings and carpentry), but in this case, art became a way of creating social and human capital and a catalyst for strengthening identity. In turn this created economic capital.
The Institute in Urubichá has helped to develop the town in a positive way—through the fulfillment of human potential, giving people more choices, and maintaining Urubicheño society. This development has challenged my views on Western-indigenous encounters and the nature of alternative development. And the case of the Institute in Urubichá reveals several lessons in development overall.
Bibliography
Chiappari, Christopher. 2005. Personal communication with Saleha Erdmann. Northfield, MN.
Chiswick, Barry R.; Anthony Patrinos, Harry; and Hurst, Michael E. 2000. “Indigenous language skills and the labor market in the developing economy: Bolivia.” Economic Development and Cultural Change. 48(2): 349-367.
Coleman, John S. “Social capital in the creation of human capital.” In Dasgupta, Partha and Serageldin,, Ismail. (Eds.) 2000. Social capital: A multi-faceted perspective. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. Pp. 13-39. Accessed 1 May 2006 through Netlibrary.
Escobar, Arturo. (1995). Encountering development: The making and the unmaking of the third world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Green, Lucy. “Music education, cultural capital, and social group identity.” In Clayton, Martin; Herbert, Trevor; and Middleton, Richard. (Eds.) 2003. The cultural study of music: A critical introduction. New York: Routledge. Pp. 263-273.
Molina, Arturo. December 2005. Interview by Saleha Erdmann. Santa Cruz, Bolivia.
Narayan, Uma. 1997. “Contesting cultures: Westernization, respect for Cultures, and Third World feminists.” In Schech, Susanne and Haggis, Jane. (Eds.) Development: A cultural studies reader. 2002. Great Britain: Blackwell Publishers.
Pieterse, Jan Nederveen. 2001. Development theory: Deconstructions/reconstructions. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Prudencio, Cergio. 2002. “Misiones y omisiones: A propósito de los Festivales de Chiquitos.” Revista musical chilena. 56 (197).
Seymour, Frances. 24 February 2006. Question and answer session at Conference for Globalization and Social Change at St. Olaf College. Northfield, MN.
Udombana, N.J. 2000. “The Third World and the right to development: Agenda for the next millennium.” Human Rights Quarterly. 22(2000): 753-787.
Udombana, 2000: 757.
Seymour, 2006.
Chiappari, 2005.
Prudencio, 2002.
Translated from Spanish.
Escober,1995.
Pieterse, 2001: 64.
Narayan, 1997: 231.
Ibid: 233.
Green, 2003: 267.
Ibid: 264.
Molina, 2005.
Coleman, 2000: 36.
Ibid: 19.
Chiswick, et al. 2000: 365.