Development Studies: Socio-economic Development from an Interdisciplinary Perspective

Saleha Erdmann

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Environmental Degradation in Morocco: in search of a new approach to development

Pol 252--Thalhammer, Fall 2004

The Environmental Sustainability Index for 2002 ranks Morocco 73rd out of 142 countries, this places Morocco a little over halfway down the list, identifying it as a country with significant environmental degradation, but relatively less than other countries (World Economic Forum, Yale Center for Environmental Policy & International Earth Science Network). That the state of the Moroccan environment is not as severe as in countries like Kuwait and Haiti does not diminish the urgency of Morocco’s position. “Improving the situation is not just making things better—it means survival” (Fauconnet & Knoepful, 2002, p. 308). The current strain on the Moroccan environment has manifested itself in poor water and air quality, water shortage, deforestation, issues of solid waste disposal, loss of biodiversity, and soil deterioration. While the country is confronted with environmental degradation it is also attempting to develop economically. This development has undoubtedly had negative impacts on the environment. Ironically, economic development is, in turn, dependent on the sustainability of the environment (Fauconnet & Knoepful). The dominant theories of development—modernization and dependency theory—do not account for this environmental destruction and its effects on development. It is only in recent decades that new models of development have emphasized the environment, as presented in the 1987 Brundtland Report’s argument for sustainable development. If the country is to effectively address environmental degradation and its relationship to economic development, Morocco must deliberately employ a new development model that incorporates environmental sustainability.

The Moroccan environment is rich in resources and diverse in geography. To the northwest the country has coastline along the Atlantic Ocean, Mediterranean Sea and Strait of Gibraltar. Mountain ranges lie inland to the northwest and along the southeastern border. To the south there is desert. Most of the country has a Mediterranean climate, although temperatures and precipitation vary due to the differing characteristics of coastal, desert and mountainous areas (“Morocco”, 2003). These conditions provide many opportunities for economic development, and consequently environmental risks.

The causes of environmental degradation are both internal and external to the country. Today, external actors influence the Moroccan environment mainly through economic relationships, such as World Bank policies and a dependency on foreign investment and aid (Fauconnet & Knoepful). One of the most significant external influences has been French colonialism, which ended in the mid 1950’s. Within Morocco, rapid population growth and urban expansion have increased demand for resources (Fauconnet & Knoepful, 2002; Johnson, 1996), climate change influences precipitation and temperature levels (Zaimeche & Sutton,1997), neoliberal economic policies generally devalue the environment, environmental programs and legislation are limited by their relative youth and lack of political power, institutional systems restrict effective responses to environmental issues, and lack of awareness and interest by most citizens inhibits growth of an environmental movement (Fauconnet &Knoepful, 2002).

The short-lived French colonization reshaped Moroccan society on many levels and left a legacy of apathy towards the environment. A French protectorate was established under the Treaty of Fez in 1912 and lasted until independence in 1955 (Waltz, 1995). The French transplanted their systems and values to Moroccan society, which are perpetuated today by outdated legislation (Fauconnet & Kneopful, 2002). The process of colonization undermined traditional Moroccan approaches to the environment, particularly by discouraging indigenous systems of resource use or distorting them to fit colonial interests (Johnson, 1996).

French colonization especially affected traditional forms of land use. Agropastoralism has been a livelihood in rural Morocco for centuries. Indigenous land use systems were often based on complex territorial rights and communal ownership and involved varying degrees of nomadicism. Traditional systems caused minimal damage to the environment, rarely with long term consequences. The French, however, considered these systems inefficient uses of the land. To improve productivity, the French promoted more rigorous land use and converted a large amount of land to intensive agriculture (Johnson, 1996). The richest land was often reserved for colonial elites and their economic interests, forcing native farmers and pastoralists to exploit smaller areas of poorer quality land. In addition, agriculture under French control European farming methods that were inappropriate for the Moroccan environment were introduced, further degrading the soil (Zaimeche & Sutton, 1997).

The Protectorate also undermined traditional systems of water management. Like land use, traditional water management was often directed by communal ownership and adapted to the nuances of local ecosystems. In some regions, irrigation methods had been sustained for a thousand years (Miller, 1996). The French, however, initiated a movement for large-scale hydraulic projects, such as dams, which interrupted important natural water cycles and replaced traditional water management techniques (Zirari, 1995). While dams provide a more consistent water source and flood control, they also increase evapotranspiration, sedimentation and erosion, effectively reducing the water supply (Miller, 1996). In response, many Moroccans pump their own water with personal pumps—a method that raises salinization levels in groundwater, rendering it unfit for drinking (Zaimeche & Sutton, 1997).

Morocco gained independence in 1955 when King Mohammed V successfully returned to the throne two years after being deposed by the French. The Moroccan monarchy is one of the oldest in the world, dating back more than 1200 years, and its stability helped to maintain a distinct Moroccan political identity throughout colonization—French occupancy disrupted the monarchy, but did not displace it (Waltz, 1995). Colonization had left its mark, though, as the postcolonial era continued the use of many French practices. “The unquestioned adoption of Western models of growth after independence, coupled with total disregard for the environment, made the [environmental] situation worse”(Zirari, 1995).

Colonial methods of resource management continue today and their negative consequences have become increasingly obvious. Ideally, traditional forms of resource management would be revived. However, colonialism undermined these indigenous cultures, making it difficult to reinstate their practices in the present. Despite recent efforts by the Moroccan government to encourage sustainable development, it is not easy to reverse the processes set into motion by colonialism.

Colonialism is not the only cause of environmental degradation, many issues are rooted in institutional problems of the current government. “Morocco in the late twentieth century remains in the tutelage of patrimonial principles (Waltz, 1995, p.103).” The unquestioned power of the king is a trademark of Moroccan society—one of the negative aspects of Moroccan society that survived colonialism. Today parliament, a prime minister, and several political parties superficially appear to offset the power of the king. “The functioning of the government and the vigor of parties are not…to be confused with political power. Over the years that prize has fallen to the king” (Waltz 1995, p. 109). Implicit rules that are aligned with a rigid hierarchy dictate political activity, often reducing parliament to a “rubber stamp” (Waltz, 1995, p.114).

The character of contemporary Moroccan government has strong implications for the national approach to the environment and response to its degradation, which Weidnitzer (1995) describes as “highly inadequate.” Following the 1972 Stockholm conference on the global environment, the first environmentally-oriented ministry, the Ministère de l’Habitat, was established. It has become clear since then that the government is committed to addressing the environment. A substantial number of environmental ministries, departments in non-environmental ministries and environmental agreements have been created since Stockholm, but they face several challenges to their effectiveness and “environmental policy as a whole has not been able to keep pace with emerging challenges” (Weidnitzer,1995, p.67). According to Weidnitzer (1995), there are three main problems with Morocco’s institutional approach to the environment: power is concentrated in the central government with little coordination between organizations, the lack of vertical integration within the system (i.e. between upper level government and municipalities), and the environmental institutions’ lack of power to implement policy. Fauconnet and Knoepful (2002) affirm Weidnitzer’s arguments and add that the government’s cost-objective approach to the environment often forces a narrow and short-term perspective on issues and places the emphasis on large-scale projects.

In general, the king has “restricted the initial steps towards political participation to the country’s elite classes” (Weidnitzer,1995, p. 73) This has particularly affected NGO formation and has exacerbated an already troubling trend of public disinterest in the environment. There are currently fifteen environmentally-oriented NGOs in Morocco, mostly made up of a small community of scientists and public officials, lending them an “elitist character” (Weidnitzer, 1995, p. 73). The presence of NGO’s is beneficial to Morocco’s environmental movement, but they tend to work within the structure provided by the government instead of acting as a monitors and critics of government policy. Another major setback to the effectiveness of environmental institutions is lack of citizen awareness, which perpetuates disinterest and uninvolvement. “Talk or concern about the environmental are as remote as if they belong to another dimension” (Zaimeche & Sutton, 1997, p. 54). Weidnitzer (1995) explains that many Moroccans are more concerned with immediate issue of survival than environmental protection. However, without the cooperation and input of its average citizens, it will be difficult for the government implement environmental policy.

Even with the best of intentions and the ability to implement policies, the government is often misguided, as is the case with the Forestry Service. Deforestation is a major concern for Morocco. Sources disagree on the numbers, but between 30,000-50,000 hectare are deforested each year (United Nations Development Programme, 2004). “Most of Morocco’s forests have become degraded to varying degrees. For many forest ecosystems, the natural balance has been irreversibly disrupted” (Benabid, 1996, p.175). Forestry officials have used management techniques imported from northern Europe that are incompatible with Moroccan forests, it is partly due to these inappropriate techniques that the reforestation success rate is less than fifty percent (Benbid, 1996). Conflict has emerged when the Forestry Service denies locals access to forested land for reforestation programs—which are ultimately often unsuccessful (Johnson, 1996).

The state of the environment is disturbing unto itself, but repercussions on other areas of society that are more likely to inspire action by economists and politicians. The deteriorating environmental conditions in Morocco do not bode well for economic development. Recent headlines illustrate these costs: “Morocco loses some US$510 million each year due to water pollution” (Mena Reporters, 2004) and “Izaren Forest Fire Causes $5 million loss to Morocco” (2004). The responses to environmental degradation—health care costs, pollution cleanup, habitat restoration, loss of resources for industry input and export, limits on urban expansion—have significant costs to the Moroccan government and society in general.

How should Morocco address development in light of this environmental dilemma? The guidance of traditional development models has been more harmful than helpful, but a more recent model provides hope for a better approach. An analysis of these models and their application to the Moroccan case shed light on some of the fundamental flaws in Morocco’s approach to the environment.

Two main theories have driven the development discourse since its conception following World War II: modernization and development theory. Neither of these can explain the pending environment crisis in Morocco, mainly because they do not consider environmental health a factor in development at all. This is not surprising considering both theories emerged prior to the dawn of the environmental movement, at a time when environmental issues were not on the radar. Both theories are outdated but still influential in development today. In 1987 a new model of sustainable development was proposed by the highly significant Brundtland Report. Headed by the prime minister of Norway, Gro Harlem Brundtland, the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development tackled the idea of sustainable development. While imperfect, the Brundtland Report is one of few alternative models of development with enough international recognition to challenge modernization and dependency theory.

Modernization theory emerged in the wake of World War II and was significantly influenced by Cold War politics and the collapse of colonialism. Modernization theorists perceive the world as a dichotomy between modern and traditional societies and views development through a distinctly economic lens. Development of the inferior traditional societies is mainly to be achieved through economic growth, neoliberal policies and democratic institutionalization (So,1990). From the modernization perspective, French colonialism benefited Morocco by increasing agricultural production and replacing traditional resource management systems with modern European ones. The country’s industrial growth and urbanization would also be seen as positive. Alvin So (1990) writes that modernization theory helps to justify asymmetrical power relationships, such as the domination of Moroccan politics by the elite. All these factors have contributed to environmental stress.

Dependency theory came out of Latin America as a “[challenge to] the intellectual hegemony of the American modernization school” (So, 1990, p. 91). Dependency theorists blamed colonialism and foreign intervention for the underdevelopment of non-Western countries and suggest that underdeveloped countries sever all contact with Western countries to achieve self-sufficiency. Dependency theorists would argue that French colonialism has harmed Moroccan society, however, it would ignore the benefits of certain contact with Western nations (So, 1990). Morocco’s participation in the global political regime has allowed the introduction of environmental concepts and legislation, as was the result of the 1972 Stockholm conference.

Modernization and dependency theory both address issues relevant to environmental issues (i.e. the effects of colonization), but neither explicitly speak to environmental factors. These classical development models are mainly concerned with economics, with little room for the environment.

The Brundtland Report, on the other hand, is centered on the importance of environmental sustainability within development. The commission found that a “new development path was required, one that sustained human progress not just in a few places for a few years, but for the entire planet into the distant future” (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987, p. 4). The Brundtland Report acknowledges the fragile relationship between the environment and development and argues that development should be planned with equal consideration for the economy, the environment, and human wellbeing. The commission’s model of sustainable development calls for the strengthening of existing environmental institutions, greater involvement of an informed public and NGO’s, reformation of international law, and commitment from multilateral financial institutions to sustainable development (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987). If Morocco had followed such a development model throughout the 21st century the environment would be in much better shape today.

Severe environmental degradation is bordering on crisis in Morocco, yet the country is unprepared to act. Environmentally harmful development practices gained momentum under French colonialism, and the monarchy has reinforced many of those practices since independence. Existing environmental institutions are limited by lack of legitimacy and power, inappropriate policy, and little public support or interest. Despite a growing base of information, there is a deficiency of data on environmental policy and conditions. To address the urgent environmental situation, Morocco must commit to a new development strategy, like the Brundtland Report, that acknowledges the intrinsic value of the environment and makes environmentally sustainable development a top national priority.

Works Cited

Benabid, A. (1996) Forest Degradation in Morocco. In W. D. Swearingen & A. Bencherifa. (Eds.). The North African Environment at Risk. (pp. 175-190). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Fauconnet, M. & Knoepful. P. (2002). Morocco. In H. Weidner & M. Jänicke, Eds. Capacity Building in National Environmental Policy: A Comparitive Study of 17 Countries. Berlin: Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg. (Pp. 287-309.)

Izaren Forest Fire Causes $5 million loss to Morocco. (2004, August 27). Financial Times Information. Retrieved November 12, 2004, from Lexis Nexis database.

Johnson, D. (1996). Development Trends and Environmental Deterioration in the Agropastoral Systems of the Central Middle Atlas, Morocco. In W. D. Swearingen & A. Bencherifa. (Eds.). The North African Environment at Risk. (pp. 35-53). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Mena Report Reporters. (2004, July 23). Morocco loses some US$510 million each year due to water pollution. Al-Bawaba. Retrieved November 12, 2004, from Lexis Nexis database.

Miller, J. (1996). Sustained Past and Present: The Tafilalt Oasis of Southeastern Morocco. In W. D. Swearingen & A. Bencherifa. (Eds.). The North African Environment at Risk. (pp. 55-65). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Morocco. (2003). In Europa World Year Book. (Vol.1, pp. 2952-2975). London: Europa Publications Limited.

So, A. (1990). Social Change and Development: modernization, dependency, and world-systems theories. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publiaction, Inc.

United Nations Environment Programme. (2004, January 22). Morocco Environmental Profile. Retrieved November 1, 2004, from www.unep.net/profile/index.cfm?countrycode=MA

Waltz, S. (1995). Morocco: God and King. In S. Waltz. (1995). Human Rights and Reform: changing the face of North African politics. Berkely and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press.

Weidnitzer, E. (1995). Environmental policy in Morocco: institutional problems and the role of non-governmental organizations. In E. Watkins (Ed.). The Middle Eastern Environment: selected papers of the 1995 Conference of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Cambridge, England: St Malo Press. (Pp. 67-74.)

World Commission on Environment and Development. (1987). Our Common Future. New York: Oxford University Press.

World Economic Forum, Yale Center for Environmental Policy, and Center for International Earth Science Information Network. (2002). 2002 Environmental Sustainability Index. Retrieved November 30, 2004, from http://www.ciesin.columbia.edu/indicators/ESI

Zaimeche, S. & Sutton, K. (1997). The Future of the Environment of in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. The Journal of North African Studies, 2(1), 40-57.

Zirari, M.D. (1995). The Law of Small and Large Scale Hydraulics in Morocco. In J.A. Allan & C. Mallat, (Eds). Water and the Middle East: legal, political and commercial implications. New York: Tauris Academic Studies.