Language Houses:
Promoting a Multicultural Campus?
Abstract:
The researchers Stuart Butcher and Ryan Smart study
the language houses on St. Olaf Campus to determine what role they have
on multicultural awareness. To do this they interviewed eight
residents from the six perspective language houses to understand the
resident’s view of how the language house system is supposed to
work. Using a structural-functionalist approach and incorporating
Weber’s ideas of rational bureaucracy to look at the macro-level, and
using symbolic-interactionism to study micro-level situations within
the houses, the researchers completely analyze the language house
system to successfully understand what the houses’ roles are on campus.
Intro:
Does being a resident of a language house increase one's sense and
understanding of the culture the house is associated with? Does this
understanding transfer to the campus? How do language houses fit into
the macro-level and micro-level constructs of society? What is
multiculturalism, a word that is thrown around quite often while
discussing modernity? Is St. Olaf a multicultural campus?
As we the researchers looked at our lives as
residents of a language house, they sought to answer these questions.
The hypotheses that we came up with are that the language houses do
increase residents’ understanding of the culture being studied. It is
hard not to learn about a culture while learning the language since so
much of language is based in a cultural context. The understanding one
gains will transfer, but to what extent? At the micro-level, the
language houses give students opportunities that are not available in
the dorms. At the macro-level, the language houses are used by the
administration and the language departments as devices to spread
knowledge about certain cultures. Also, especially in the
administration, the language houses function as an indicator of
multicultural awareness. It is easier to claim that one is a
multicultural campus if one has housing aimed specifically at immersion
in a language and culture. Multiculturalism is very hard to define.
This question is one of the main reasons for the study. And, based on
the definition of multicultural, we, the researchers will look at the
language house’s role in the multicultural side of the St. Olaf campus.
St. Olaf College puts a lot of stake in their community life. If you
read the mission statement, or any of the statements from the Office of
Community Life and Diversity, the word community is thrown around quite
a bit. Along with community, St. Olaf says that it is a multicultural
campus, and that multicultural learning is key in developing into a
well-rounded citizen who understands the changing world due to
globalization and modernity.
One way St. Olaf chose to increase awareness about
different cultures is to develop a situation where there are
ambassador-like students on campus who can accurately and readily
represent the various cultures. The language house program was
developed with the idea that as students of a language and culture,
language and area studies majors can enhance the multiculturalism on
campus. This, however, also has its pros and cons – debating
whether it is the house’s job to promote culture on campus, or to only
be used by current students of the language program and whether the
houses should focus on language or culture, pointing toward the popular
debate that one cannot be taught without the other.
Living in a language house, the researchers have
observed how their house and the other language houses has impacted
campus life and how it has impacted the students in the houses.
However, by studying language houses and their affect on
multiculturalism on the St. Olaf community, the researchers are trying
to better understand the situation they and other students are in and
the effect the campus is feeling.
We hypothesize that the opportunities for language
development and practice are the main reason for living in a language
house. Also, the main reason the school developed language houses
is to bring awareness to various cultures and allow opportunities for
other students to take advantage of the knowledge that language house
residents have of language and culture through their studies at St.Olaf
and abroad.
Of all the questions asked during interviews, the
researchers anticipate the one that will make the interviewee think is
"what is the dominant culture at St. Olaf?" The object of asking this
question was not to change the interviewee's opinions, but simply to
see if there is one dominant group on campus, or if there are more than
one. We hope to find if the idea of a dominant culture interferes
with the goal of being multicultural, or if it is possible to be open
to different cultures while still holding on to a dominant cultural
beliefs.
Literature Review:
It should be mentioned first that we intended this
study only to look at the relationship between students living in
language houses, and the houses’ effects on multiculturalism on the St.
Olaf Campus. As soon as we began interviews it became obvious
that there were many facets that we had not foreseen from looking at
the literature. First, there was the problem of the houses as: A)
a form of residence for students, or B) a place of learning for
students. These separations then brought about other questions,
which led our library research in several different directions.
If we looked at the language houses as a form of residence (which they
definitely are) do we look at them from a macro structual-fuctionalist
view, or do we look at them from a micro-level standpoint as
individuals who combine within the house to form friendship and
learning networks? Also, do we look at the learning aspect from
the macro or micro level, and what aspects of the learning process are
most important? When focusing on learning, we also had to
distinguish the difference between language and cultural immersion, or
whether immersion is really possible under the given
circumstances. With these questions in mind, we have gathered a
range base of literature that we hope will help us analyze these
questions.
1) The Language House as a Residence:
Different living arrangements have been under study for many
years. The most important and ground-breaking research was
conducted within the last twenty years. Several surveys were
drawn up in the late 70’s to evaluate students’ living environments and
their academic performance. These studies contain valuable
information involving different experiments involving different options
in residence options. Wolf states:
“Since the end of World War II, colleges and universities in the United
States have created language houses or language floors in student
dormitories to give students an opportunity to speak a foreign language
and improve their general linguistic skills. These houses or
floors often have five to ten residents who agree to speak the foreign
language, say German, but we all know the normal results: although a
German exchange student may live in the house or on the floor and
ostensibly help students speak German, most of the students still speak
English most of the time. Despite good intentions by a language
professor or department, the language house devolves into nothing more
than a dormitory where students could, but usually do not, speak the
target language. By emphasizing speaking a foreign language,
language houses and floors appeal primarily to language majors as
residents. However, as the number of majors in languages such as
German, French, and Russian falls, the future of these houses becomes
questionable. The plight of the language houses is further
damaged by student perceptions that the house is for language majors
only and by a general isolation from the rest of campus and dormitory
life.”(Wolf 2002: 81)
Wolf also proposes that language houses should be used as “cultural
centers” on campus, and not be continually isolated from the rest of
the student population. Learning language is a goal of the people
in the house, but to most people on campus, it is not.
Most studies of residence information also included
information on graduate students as well, which slightly skewed their
results. One study used a mean GPA to rank different living
arrangements:
“The mean GPAs by housing group were as follows: 2.8
for the residence hall group, 2.75 for the on-campus apartment
dwellers, 2.95 for those living off-campus as singles, 3.25 for marries
students living off campus, and 3.0 for those living with
parents. Married student living off campus reported significantly
higher GOAs than those in any other living arrangement.” (Clodfelter
1984: 19)
The real question here is “why?” Why do these students achieve
higher GPAs than other students, and is it possible at all to achieve a
high GPA while living on campus? Unfortunately, the article does
not do so much as speculate, and does not help our research very
much. A follow-up study reinforced the findings saying only that
“overall, the studies show that commuters are performing better
academically than residents.” (Clodfelter 1984:23) From the point
of view of language houses as a residence this really shows how hard it
is to find relevant information. We are forced to look at these
past studies which have identified many different types of living
arrangements and try to match language houses to an already defined
category.
Unfortunately, it is difficult to say which category
language houses would fall under. They are certainly not commuter
residences. However, in the case of St. Olaf, they are on campus,
although slightly detached from the main center of campus life.
Do these compare better with Clodfelter and Wachowiak’s analysis of
“on-campus apartments”? With the limited information available,
and since the methods section of their analysis is fairly vague, it is
virtually impossible to come to an agreement, and apply the findings
from the literature to St. Olaf College specifically.
This section becomes more important as our personal interviews are coded and studied.
2) Language House as Educational Facility
Educational facilities’ international studies departments exploded
around the time of the Cold War, specifically about the time of the
Sputnik satellite. There was a general feeling of isolation
during this point in history, and people realized that things happening
outside of the United States could play an extremely important role in
many spheres at home. Thus, most of the material about developing
international studies programs is severely dated, to the point where
most of it is completely unusable. Fortunately, some of the
material gathered is still valuable to look at with respect to why
these programs were created in the first place, thus explaining how the
language departments are meant to function in the spirit of
internationalization. A particular study involved a “survey of
recipients of small ($30,000 – 40,000) undergraduate grants from the
(then) U.S. Office of Education asked questions regarding the needs on
their campuses which led to a grant application and their sense of the
successes and failures associated with implementing the grant.
Typically, the grantees used program funds to revise and update courses
and curricula…. The essential product was the new or revised
course.”( Harf 1985: 4) This brings about the idea of greater
institution’s interest in the language programs. Although this
program is older than is relevant, it does bring one to wonder if
departments can still be influenced by other factors outside of the
actual college.
Another topic to discuss is the difference between cultural and
language immersion. One question should be asked in this field:
Does language immersion necessitate cultural study as well, and vice
versa? The question asked by Berman is an important one:
“Languages are embedded in culture and are born in culture, but the
critical discourse of cultural studies has paid scant attention to the
intersection of language and culture. Suprisingly perhaps, it
appears that much of the cultural studies movement ignores linguistic
multiplicity. This may either reflect a theoretical blind spot,
that is, an assumption of language as fundamentally transparent, or a
disciplinary predisposition to select primarily anglophone
material. Is cultural studies ultimately as much an English-only
project as American Studies always has been?”(Burman 2002: 5)
Berman obviously disagrees with the fact that most international
studies programs are conducted in English, where he thinks that
language is intrinsically tied to culture – i.e., to fully understand
one, you need to understand the other. So, in the case of
language houses, is it possible for all of the students involved in the
house not to be fluent in the language, or do they just need to be in
the learning stages? Is it the department’s job to plan and
sponsor multicultural events at the houses to ensure that someone who
fully understands the language and culture from all perspectives is
involved? There is certainly a barrier within the house
considering the fact the residents are all students, and they are
students for a reason – they are learning about the culture and
language, and do not yet have a full grasp on the finer working of the
institution, language, or culture.
“Teaching foreign language implies a direct and
special engagement with the material of the other culture – its
language – which indicated how close the foreign language field is tied
de facto to the project of cultural studies”(Burman 2002: 6) It
would seem that the language houses at St. Olaf are indeed St. Olaf’s
answer to the problem of cultural studies within language. But
how much cultural attention can students give to this cause, based on
how much they know. Certainly, international students are
invaluable for cultural study, but then, what role do American students
play? Do language houses benefit the campus as a whole, or do
they only benefit the students living in these houses?
To further define this in terms of
“multiculturalism”, which is admittedly difficult to define, does a
language house fulfill its duty of multicultural awareness if they only
speak the language, or do cultural events do more to promote
multiculturalism? According to Wolf, language and culture are
tied together – leading us to believe that unless there is fluent
language skill present in the house, presumably in the form of a native
speaker, culture cannot be fully understood or taught. The best
way to getting both culture and language is a native speaker.
Wolf examines the language house as a classroom, and
as a “cultural curriculum”. Although he admits that there are
some faults in the fact that some students’ language capabilities are
not at the same level as others living in the house, he says that it
should be better for all students to help teach the less competent
students, and learn from their experiences as well. On the other
hand, he criticizes departments that appear to be “compartmentalized,
distinct, or autonomous”(Wolf 2002: 82)for their detachment from the
rest of the departments within a certain educational facility. In
agreement with Berman, he states that departments have much to learn
from each other. In Wolf’s experience he gives an example of once
a week seminars given in English at the German house under his
direction. Although the students are encouraged to speak German
at all times, he does not deny the fact that this probably does not
happen, but says that cultural study in English can be beneficial to
students outside the language department, as well as for students
living in the house. Based on the different levels of study in
the student composition of the language house, it is difficult to
expect 100% language study, but it is reasonable to expect genuine
interest in learning, whether it be language, culture, or related
fields.
Also among Wolf’s concerns for the language house he
mentions the “5 ‘commonsensical’ goals of the Standards for Foreign
Language Learning: communication, cultures, connections, comparisons,
and communities. Due to first hand knowledge of researcher Stuart
Butcher as Russian House president it has been mentioned that St. Olaf
has an interest in the campus community - bringing up the idea of a
“language corridor” on St. Olaf Avenue to promote multicultural
awareness on the St. Olaf campus. The idea of a “language
corridor” came from president meetings in the previous year with the
Assistant Director of Residence Life. This is an important goal
for St. Olaf, and something that would be very beneficial to
multicultural studies in the future.
The last section of Wolf’s essay is called
“Advocacy, Articulation, and Community Outreach”. This brings the
language house on a level with local schools and puts students in a
position of teaching and advocating international understanding with
children in the surrounding area. Also, this brings up another
interesting article “Volunteering and Values: An Analysis of Students’
Participation in Community Service”. It is proven in this article
that students who are involved in community service achieve higher
grades and develop valuable skills for after graduation. The
language houses at St. Olaf are not required to do any sort of work
outside of the St. Olaf campus and do not work outside the
department. Community service in this sense could also refer to
the St. Olaf campus community, rather than the Northfield community, in
which sense most language houses are also not serving the campus
community as a whole, but only the community of department majors, or
select individuals in the department. Volunteering, in the sense
of this article, also promoted self-motivation to work toward a common
goal of the community – in the case of St. Olaf,
multiculturalism. In some cases however, language departments are
overshadowing this individuality by instituting curriculum for the
houses to follow and setting up requirements for the house residents,
for which they receive no special bonuses. We will discuss this
in a later section.
St. Olaf’s mission statement also mentions that “St.
Olaf College strives to be an inclusive community, respecting those of
differing backgrounds and beliefs.” This statement, which
was approved by the St. Olaf faculty in 1987, leads students to believe
that there are many different cultures represented on the St. Olaf
campus. The Community Life and Diversity webpage states that:
“Diversity at St. Olaf is lived out in community. As we work together
to learn about and understand our differences, we continuously strive
to be a welcoming and accepting community. Community Life at St. Olaf
means that we can transcend differences while sharing common values,
goals, and aspirations.”
After this statement it goes on to boast that:
“The office plays an important role in bringing the St. Olaf Mission to
life by collaborating with and engaging the entire college community in
respectful dialogue, activities that embrace our differences, and
hands-on workshops and seminars. All activities are designed to
heighten awareness while generating understanding, respect and
appreciation of community issues.”
However, how do the language houses play into this role? Are they
utilized at all to foster cultural and multicultural awareness?
It seems that, with the many international students, and with other
residents that are very knowledgeable in culture and customs, the
language houses would be a natural place to develop and strengthen
awareness about specific cultures on campus.
Language houses are complicated institutions, where
people gather to learn, and also where people live. This
relationship can be looked at in either a macro or micro level, but at
the same time it should be kept in mind that language houses are
important for any number of reasons including language learning,
cultural immersion, interdepartmental programs, and overall,
international and multicultural awareness.
Methods:
The sample population was derived from students
living in language houses at the time of the study. The eight students
who were interviewed were sophomores, juniors, or seniors; freshmen are
required to live in dormitories on campus and therefore are not allowed
to live in the language houses. Due to the year in school of the
participants, they are in the upper level language courses.
Both researchers live in language houses, and one
(Stuart Butcher) is president of the Russian House. Because of this,
Butcher had a list of other language house presidents. After initially
contacting the presidents of the houses and asking for a list of names
of residents who would be willing to participate in the study, the
researchers contacted the students via email. The researchers allowed a
week for responses and received only two. A follow-up email was sent to
those who had not responded, with several students responding, but in
spite of phone calls and other emails, the researchers were unable to
get in contact with these students. Phone calls seemed to be the best
way to set up interview times, since prospective interviewees responded
positively when asked for interviews over the phone. The exception is
the prospective interviewee who was asked in person after a
happenstance meeting on campus. In general, the process of finding
students who would be willing to be interviewed was more difficult than
expected, and set the research schedule back. We decided not to
pursue interviewees who had not responded for fear of harassing
prospective interviewees with too many emails and phone calls.
We met with the interviewees at their houses in all
cases except for one. The interviews were conducted by both researchers
to cut down on "dead time". "Dead time" is a term used by the
researchers to describe the silence when the interviewer was writing
notes and the interviewee had stopped talking. This resulted in a
smoother interview and made the interviewee more comfortable. Also, we
chose to use a location chosen by the interviewee for the interviews in
order to increase the comfort level of the participant. This led to a
smoother interview with the participant willing to share information
freely. Before each interview, we explained what our project was
and how the interview would help in the research. All questions that
arose from this dialogue were answered to the best of our
ability. The interviews lasted from twenty minutes to an hour
with the average duration of forty-five minutes.
While looking at language houses, we turned to two
theories to best understand the dynamics of the language house
situation in the broader macro-level context of the St. Olaf College
campus. These theories are Weber's ideas about rationalization and
Parson's AGIL scheme of structural-functionalism. At the time Weber was
developing his thoughts on rationalization, the general population was
progressively losing its ability to express human emotion, therefore
becoming a “cog” in the machine. However, Weber saw the both the good
and bad sides of rationalization. His discussion of the development of
formal rationality illuminates certain aspects of the language house
situation, especially the bureaucratic structures of the language
departments and other official departments. Bureaucracy, under
the definition of Weber, is a highly rational system that is
characterized by an elaborate hierarchical division of labor directed
by explicit rules that are impersonally implied. Nothing could
describe the situation better, except for the fact that there are two
competing bureaucratic structures governing the functioning of the
language houses – Residence Life, and the language department. As
a micro-level analysis, rationality can also be applied to the house
itself, where a somewhat formal bureaucratic system is set up to govern
the everyday functioning of the house. If you count the house’s
own system, you have three bureaucratic structures governing the house,
with two of the structures (Res. Life and the language department)
directly guiding certain aspects of the house’s internal bureaucratic
system.
To look at the situation from a macro-level standpoint,
structural-fuctionalism is a natural choice. We used Parson's
AGIL scheme, which is simply:
1) Adaptation: a system must cope with external situational
exigencies. It must adapt to it's environment and adapt the
environment to its needs.
2) Goal attainment: A system must define and achieve its primary goals.
3) Integration: A system must regulate the interrelationship of its
component parts. It also must manage the
relationship among the other three functional imperatives (A,G,L).
4) Latency (pattern maintenance): A system must furnish, maintain, and
renew both the motivation of individuals and the cultural patterns that
create and sustain the motivation.
(Ritzer,
97)
Combining this approach with Weber’s ideas of rational bureaucracy, one
can see the pieces fitting together. One of the major problems
with this point, however, is the failure to define concrete goals for
the language houses, thus not fitting into the scheme of
structural-fucntionalism - they are not considered “honor houses” and
they have no official literature backing up their functional
aspects. They do adapt within the house and within the scope of
the language department, and they attempt to integrate all the people
in the house to achieve their goal, and if the house is deemed
successful at the end of the year, it is renewed – thus maintaining the
house for the next year.
However, to understand the more generalized
micro-level relationships among the residents of the language houses,
the researchers used the perspective of symbolic interactionism.
More specifically, we feel Blumer’s idea that society is made up of
groupings of macro structures that are controlled and created by the
actors in society depending on their social acts.(Ritzer 2000:
234) The interactions of the actors help bring about changes in
the departments controlling the house, but they cannot change the
overall system of the language houses. This theory focuses the
attention on the language and cultural knowledge the residents bring to
the house, as well as their own personal problems, ideals, and
beliefs. These different characteristics can bring about how the
students in the house (social actors in this situation) come together
to create joint actions.
These joint actions of the students are the basis of
the language house structure inside the house, apart from Residence
Life and the language department. Most students living on campus
would see this view of the language houses as well, considering that
most students would not see the houses through the eyes of Residence
Life or the language department. It should be noted that the
departments play a role in the actions of the students, so they are not
always acting on their own intuition or for their own interests.
This gives rise to several different arguments that we have phased out
because of this perspective, including resistance theory, and conflict
theory.
Resistance theory and conflict theory did not give
enough room for the autonomy of the students. Although they are
free social actors, it has to be mentioned that they are under
supervision of a greater structure, and do not always act as autonomous
actors. It should also be mentioned that since the houses are
farther from campus than the normal student residencies, there seems to
be less control by the higher authorities about what happens at the
house. In this respect, the actors within the house tend to have
greater autonomy than their counterparts on campus.
Findings:
Reasons for residence:
Most people interviewed mentioned a desire to become
more independent within the language and to maintain their language
ability. Some people were not language majors, and were not
currently enrolled in a language class. Their majors included
other areas within the department, for example: Hispanic studies, or
Russian studies. Students who were not part of a language
department, per say, did not exhibit statements within their interviews
that led us to believe that they were not as valuable in the
functioning of the house as other residents might be. Strong
friendship bonds were obviously made within the houses, even though
most people didn’t have the choice of who they were living with in the
house, or as roommates.
Native speakers, or international students, had much
different reasons for living in the houses. Some receive
scholarships to live in the houses, or to work for the department or
residence life as Residence Assistants (RAs). There was some
bitterness from some house presidents who saw that some people were
getting benefits from Residence Life to be Residence Assistants within
the house, and the presidents were getting basically nothing. In
the case of these students who showed disappointment with the lack of
financial reimbursement - one an international student and one the
house president - there were several people in the house that received
work-study to live in the house. While they agreed that this did
not change the friendship networks, or alter their friendships within
the house in any way, it did make them wonder why they were not also
entitled to similar benefits from Residence Life, or from the language
department itself.
One important aspect of the students’ residence is
how the students are selected to live in the house. There were
several main ways this was accomplished, with each department going
about it in their own way. One department chooses each student
based on merit and asks them individually if they would like to live in
the house. They also recruit international students for the house
by offering scholarships and additional bonuses for their knowledge of
the language. It is interesting that this house is almost
completely controlled by the department in structure and
function. The students have almost no control over the programs
they host or who lives in the house. Students interviewed at this
house mentioned a genuine interest in the functioning of honor houses,
and in how people in honor houses are much more likely to have similar
personal values and be more cooperative in the function of their house.
Events are also an important part of living in a
language house. Most houses get to pick their own events to host
for the language department, but some houses are under stricter control
from the language department. According to one interviewee in the
house strongly controlled by the language department:
The department organized all of the people in the house, and gives the
house a list of things to do. Stuff like movie nights, parties,
[language omitted] table. Basically they say “here’s an event,
plan it.”
This is not necessarily a bad thing, as their productivity as a house
is extremely high. On the other hand, students seem to prefer
planning their own events, as in most other houses. These houses
seem to help the language department out rather than being an
ideological extension of the department. One student stated:
[Language houses] are probably a really good tool for people in the
houses. We help the department individually… However, we are less
involved on campus. The houses only seem to benefit people that
live in the house.
Because the houses’ events are usually passed through the department,
news of the events at the house generally circulate through department
channels. Unless a student is enrolled in a class within the
department, or has some sort of extracurricular interest in that area
of study, it is almost impossible to find out about house-related
events. Therefore involvement on campus can be hindered by the
macro-level structures of the language departments.
Students also mentioned that they were worried they
would not see their friends as much as they did when they lived on
campus. This is a difficult comparison to dormitory life, which
is what most literature mentions. Of course, as stated before, it
is extremely difficult to make a connection between language houses and
other existing residence areas. Language houses are not
differentiated from other similar residence halls in most studies, so
it was necessary to make a connection to the form of housing that
was most similar. The best comparison is to “on-campus
apartments” and to the article on community service. However,
besides the fact that students were worried about contact with old
friends or missing out on normal campus life, they also demonstrated a
genuine desire to help raise cultural awareness on campus for their
respective language departments.
Sometimes students’ visions of the houses’ function contain both
educational and residential expectations. Most people interviewed
mentioned that they wanted to improve their language skills, but they
also wanted to have a chance to help other people learn the skills that
they already knew. As a “multicultural” campus it seems that
language houses would have an invaluable role in determining certain
programs and events around campus for the entire student body to
enjoy. Interviewed students did mention that they were playing a
role in making St. Olaf more culturally aware, but we were very
surprised to find out that some departments might not think that
way. When interviewing a major representative of the Residence
Life office, it was mentioned that some departments prefer events and
houses to be used only by students currently enrolled in classes
offered by the department. It was said that, “[houses would]
provide cultural [immersion] benefit for students enrolled in classes.”
Role as Educational Institution:
The language house has one basic function: to do
what the language department tells it to do. There is no
literature from the Residence Life offices about the actual function of
the language houses and how they work specifically, but we were able to
understand a few basic things about the relationship between Residence
Life and the respective language department. Residence Life has
basic control over the functioning of the house between roommates and
housemates. It controls the basic functioning of the house as a
residence for students including repairs, student feuds, and basic
student needs. On the other hand, the language department itself
determines the main group function of the house. That is, it is
the department’s responsibility to keep the houses at capacity, and to
regulate and make sure the house is doing programs for the
department. While Residence Life has control over monitoring
programs for honor houses, it has little to do with language houses in
this area. There are academic programs on campus which reflect
this sort of academic/nonacademic tension, such as Great Conversation,
and American Conversation. Students enrolled in these programs
live together in the same dorms, but they are not required to do
projects for the entire department – for example, the American Con.
Students doing being available to arrange events and programs for
American Studies majors.
One thing to notice is that the basic function of
language houses is to provide language immersion for the students
living in the house, and for people enrolled in class who wish to learn
outside of class. The department ultimately makes all rules for
the house, making the house president easily overruled and the position
trivial at best. But what exactly is language immersion, and how
does it compare to cultural immersion? Language and culture go
hand in hand as we have stated before; however, is it really possible
for language houses to live up to department’s expectations in this
area? And is providing a cultural and language center for the
department contrary to St. Olaf’s mission statement in providing an
“inclusive community”?
Questions of this nature are difficult to answer,
and even more difficult for interviewed students to answer on the
spot. One simple question we decided to ask students was “What is
your definition of multicultural?” After receiving mixed answers,
we decided to split the project into two spheres – macro and micro
spheres. Some students talked specifically about a person being
multicultural, that is, “offering themselves [students] for other
people to study and learn about” or multicultural as a community.
Some discussion was brought up that perhaps a community of
multicultural individuals would not necessarily make a multicultural
community unless the people were open to dialogue among different
individuals. It was also mentioned that there is no need to be
from a different country to be considered multicultural, you could just
as easily come from a different background – one parent family, lower
middle class, adopted, only child. Really, multicultural is your
own unique perspective on the world, at least in the micro sphere.
The definition of multicultural, as given by the
American Heritage Dictionary is “Of or relating to a social or
educational theory that encourages interest in many cultures within a
society rather than in only a mainstream culture.” This
definition seems to look at the macro-level of the definition, dealing
with society as a whole. However, it is more difficult to find a
definition relating to people as “multicultural individuals”.
Also, this definition seems to be parallel with the definition of
“diversity” which seems to point toward cooperation and respect of
different cultures and backgrounds, rather than genuine interest in
another culture.
The question of St. Olaf as a multicultural
community brought about several mixed reactions as well. Most
people were generally very agreeable with St. Olaf being a very
positive place for promoting multiculturalism and international
awareness. However, there were people who stated that “[St. Olaf
is] not diversified at all, very homogeneous, and a place for rich
kids. Everyone fits in, lots of small talk, and no interest in
genuine issues.” This was not after acknowledging that there are
attempts by the student body and the administration, but overall the
massive majority of the student population rejects these
attempts. There would be greater knowledge of events on campus,
if there were interest cultivated within certain student groups –
namely, the language houses. They do, however, require the
support of the department to do anything because without the support of
the department, it is impossible to get these cultural centers known
among students on campus, if the department wants the house at all
involved in issues outside of the classroom. As a general sense,
residents of language houses were very pleased with their colleagues
living in the house, but dissatisfied with the ways departments were
conducting the houses. This did not apply to every house, but in
some houses it was very apparent.
Spheres of personal relationships and work
relationships should be mentioned as well. Some people saw
themselves as members of the St. Olaf community, but at the same time
members that held important places within the structure of the St. Olaf
community – as residents of the language houses, representatives of
their department, and representatives for the cultures they were
learning about. Other people had vastly different views of
relationships within the house. For example, some students
mentioned that honor houses have a better chance of matching up similar
people together, since they are all working on a very specific project
within the community. Random people can easily end up living
together in a language house, whereas in honor houses it is much easier
for friends to end up living together, and if not friends, people who
at least share common values who will cooperate and work toward a
common goal.
Language houses do have a function, but it does seem to be ambiguous,
and at times the department has suppressed student wishes to do
community service projects. Apparently some language houses are
not expected or desired to play a role in the “inclusive community” of
St. Olaf College.
Results
The language house system can draw parallels with the structural
functionalist AGIL scheme. In all the language houses, except the
Russian House, the students apply to the department, and then are
placed in the houses. As one interviewee said, "It's interesting being
put with people you're not compatible with." However, the students
manage to adapt to their situation. One student commented that one of
the advantages to living in a language house was getting to know the
others who will be living there. The goal of the language house is to
give students a place where they can use the language and learn about
the culture, which can also be utilized by students on campus – for
help or extracurricular learning. This is one of the main reasons the
researchers found that students chose to live in the language houses.
However, the departments regulate the interrelationships of the
students by setting rules and mandating certain events. All residents
mentioned that they are required to hold study sessions and are
expected to attend the other events of the language department. Even
though the language house program is relatively new, based on the fact
that the students had to apply to the department, the researchers have
deduced that either the department or the language houses themselves
motivate students to live there. The houses could motivate the student
to live there by the prestige attributed to living in a language house,
as one interviewee commented on, or by the fact that don’t have to live
on campus. Also, in the fact that language houses are co-ed,
giving them different opportunities than the dormitories. As a female
interviewee stated, "The dorms aren't co-ed, and I'm not really a girl
person."
The majority of residents of language houses were language majors. The
researchers found that the pressure put on the residents from the
respective departments emphasized their role as leaders in the language
community on campus. An interviewee said that the houses create a core
group of people who you can go to for help, which helps to create this
idea of “leaders in the language community”. Also, in most instances,
since the department chooses who lives in the house, those with better
language skills are generally chosen. This might seem like a moot
point, since the houses are language houses, but, as mentioned earlier,
the majority of language is based in cultural context. Without knowing
the culture, one cannot truly know the language. Therefore, it is
expected that cultural knowledge would be just as important as language
skills. Yet, interestingly enough, none of the interviews mentioned the
language house as teaching language through culture. Most residents
said they teach language and culture. In the context of cultural
immersion it can be argued that as long as culture is being taught,
then the students will receive what they need to know. However, one
needs a good, if not strong, understanding of the culture to achieve
higher levels of language ability. If culture is seen as separate from
language, then the understanding of culture will take a subordinate
role to understanding of language.
This subordination of culture has led to the area
studies majors taking on subordinate roles and viewing themselves as
less valuable to the department than the language majors in the same
house. The events held by the language houses are geared towards
language learning. One area studies major said that the language houses
specialize in language and immersion, yet many of the events at that
house are cultural events. The same area studies major went on to say
that she feels that living in a house has brought her language level
up, yet did not say anything about helping to raise the knowledge of
the culture in her fellow housemates. Whereas many of the language
majors said that, when it came to language, they felt they could be
helped and help others living in the house. The language majors felt
they brought more to the house than the area studies majors, who felt
they could only help those who were in lower classes of language study.
How does this affect the friendship bonds of the
residents? From the interviews, it seems that the
area studies majors are unaware of how the pressure from the department
has affected their behavior. The friendship bonds that formed between
the residents of the language houses were based on a common interest in
the respective language and culture and the need to seem like a
friendly, welcoming place for those who need help. The common interest
gives residents the initial conversation starter needed to get to know
the others in their house. However, as one astute interviewee pointed
out, "the study of the language can be the only thing in common. A
project [at an Honor House] can mean that you share similar ideals and
values." The researchers found that this proved to be true. In
some of the houses, problems arose between housemates due to "being put
with people you're not compatible with", as one language house resident
said. However, this non-compatibility issue was the only problem
mentioned during the interviews. This problem is attributed to the
department choosing who is going to live in the language house, and
expecting those students to live together, even room together.
Since the department has set the language houses as places for help
sessions and other departmental events, the residents are expected to
be inviting to those who want to come down to the house. As one
interviewee said, "we are expected to... have our doors open to people
in the department." If the house is seem as a place where there is lots
of fighting, students are less likely to come to the help sessions, and
this reflects poorly on the house. However, too much comradely is seen
as a negative. In one instance, the residents of one particular house
are good friends and talk and joke around during the study sessions,
which keeps people from concentrating on their studies, and therefore
they do not come to the study sessions. None the less, this necessity
to hold study sessions and have the doors open is yet another pressure
from the department acting on the residents. This time, it promotes
friendship and encourages those in the house to work through their
differences.
The AGIL scheme applies to language houses through the associated
departments and through Residence Life. The department adapts the
houses' events based on the abilities of the students living there. For
the most part, since each year there are different people in the
houses, the knowledge of the language and culture varies from year to
year. Therefore, the events need to be changed to reflect and take
advantage of the abilities of the residents.
Residence life adapts the environment of the house
to fit the students living there by arranging, and rearranging,
roommates. When it comes to a new house or to permits and building
codes, additions need to be made or house assignments need to be
changed to accommodate the students. Residence life also helps solve
conflict within the house between residents. As one interviewee said,
"It's interesting being put with people you're not compatible
with." This caused clashes between several residents in almost
all the houses. However, the office of Residence Life was able to step
in and teach the students to deal with the problems (i.e. Res. Life
adapted the thinking of the students so that they could live with each
other, and someone would not have to be removed from the house).
There are several goals, which the department
strives to achieve with the language houses. The department has events
that it wants the house to host. In all cases this included study
sessions and, in most cases, movie nights and hosting language tables
at dinner. These are consistent with past events that the departments
expected of the houses. Immersion, as much as possible, in the language
and the culture is another goal of the departments. Immersion was one
of the main reasons mentioned for living in the language houses,
implying that this goal is achieved. Plus, in a couple instances, after
or during the interview, the interviewee would briefly talk to another
resident in the language of the house. This led us to believe that,
since they were not speaking English, the preferred language of the
residents is the language they are studying.
The goal of Residence Life is simple, to have a
successful housing situation. This includes keeping the problems within
the house to a minimum by helping the students to get along, which is
accomplished through adaptation, and to make sure the students follow
the rules of the college. This goal is achieved, in most houses, by
student workers who are the equivalent to the RAs in the dorms (they
are paid to ensure the rules are followed and to settle any small
quarrels). Also, like the residents of the dormitories, the residents
of the language houses are expected to adhere to St. Olaf's honor code.
Basically, this code says that the college trusts that the student will
not break the rules. Most students on campus do not want to lose the
feeling of freedom the code, and the trust, gives them so they do not
break the majority of the rules.
Integration of the language houses involves
regulation of the interrelationships of the residents. For most of the
houses, the departments choose who will live there, creating the
character of the house. This regulates the relationships between the
students because it regulates who is available to have a relationship
with. Also, the departments have the authority to remove a student from
the respected house. This creates pressure on the residents to
cooperate with each other since it is easy to remove a person if they
are causing a problem with the others, or not participating in house
activities. This pressure results in the residents putting on a front
when they are hosting events or there are non-residents at the house.
One interviewee mentioned that at their house, they are required to
seem happy while hosting events so other students in the department
feel that the house is a welcoming place and will attend more events.
For Residence Life, integration involves dealing
with the problems of the residents have as they interact with each
other. Also, Residents Life creates a hierarchy by placing one student
in charge. This implies that one student is somehow more trustworthy or
more suited to fill the role of the authority figure in the house and
therefore more deserving of respect.
The latency of the language house system is
preserved by the departments through the prestige from professors, and
the department that is assigned to living in a language house. Living
in a language house gives the impression that you are talented and
smart enough to be picked to live in a house. Also, as was mentioned
before, due to the nature of the house as an immersion program, the
department offers the opportunity to speak and develop language skills
and to increase your knowledge of the culture. By ensuring that there
is a base level of knowledge among the students in the house, the
departments maintain the pattern of dependability of the knowledge of
the students by making requirements to live in the language houses.
The office of Residence Life motivates the
departments to maintain a certain number of residents in the language
house each year by requiring that the houses be at full capacity. If
the house is not at full capacity, it can be taken away and given to
another group. Residence Life motivates the students to live in the
language houses because the houses are the only coed housing on campus.
This affords for new opportunities and makes it easier to make friends
outside of your own gender, which in turn encourages students to want
to live in language houses.
Weber’s ideas of rationalization apply to a broader,
macro sense of the bureaucratic, rational structures within
society. To tailor his theories to our needs, it was necessary to
look also into basic structural-functionalism, which looks at
structures from a very macro level view. Major structures that
can be identified within our topic area included: the Residence Life
Offices, language departments, and finally the language houses
themselves. The language houses operate under both bureaucratic
structures, and abide by instructions set by both structures.
Although the relationship between these structures is difficult to
describe entirely, they do seem to abide by Parson’s AGIL scheme of
basic structural-functionalism.
Formal Rationalization is stated in the textbook by Ritzer as:
“…a concern for the actor making choices of means and ends.
However, in this case, that choice is made in reference to universally
applied rules, regulations, and laws. These, in turn, are derived
from various large-scale structures, especially bureaucracies and the
economy…. he sought to delineate the factors that helped bring about or
impede the development of rationalization.”(Ritzer 2000: 30)
This simple explanation of Weber’s idea of rationalization can be
interpreted in several different ways. First of all, language
houses are defined under rules, regulations, and laws that are derived
from various large-scale (or larger-scale, as it is only relative)
structures, especially bureaucracies. We have already determined
that the different offices that control the language houses in their
own distinct spheres act bureaucratically, which would lead to the next
question – are they rational bureaucracies? It would seem so, at
least from the interview with Residence Life. Goals were clearly
defined between the two departments, and it seems that Residence Life
does not infringe on the roles of the language department. It
does seem that they are rational.
The most interesting part of this definition of
rationalization is its connection with symbolic-interactionism.
This definition clearly combines the micro-level with the
macro-level. The only difference is that the macro-level clearly
controls the micro-level, rather than the other way around.
Symbolic-interactionism does not cover this explanation, nor does Weber
or structural-functionalism. Although it seems that the house as
a whole can plan its own events and function on its own, the fact
remains that it would not exist without the language department or
without the Department of Residence Life. So, the language houses
are legitimate structures, but it is the department, as well as
Residence Life that makes them legitimate structures.
Conclusion:
There are several qualities that define language houses and their functions:
1) They are occupied by students who wish to be immersed in the language and culture they are studying.
2) The houses are meant for academic reasons – to be used as a resource
for students studying within the respective language department.
3) The language departments pick students for the positions within the
house and control all official functions of the language house.
4) The language department shares responsibility for the house with the Department of Residence Life.
5) Language houses do not have autonomy outside of the language
department, largely due to the limiting actions of the department.
6) Student productivity and creativity suffer due to the lack of
initiative for collective goal attainment – departmental goals take
precedence over individual goals, and language goals take precedence
over all other immersion goals (such as area studies majors).
7) Language houses do not play a role in multicultural awareness on the
St. Olaf Campus. Their only defined role is within the department.
While some of these conclusions seem harsh, it is easy to see how they
fit into the scope of language houses on the St. Olaf Campus. The
language department has to look at the larger picture – to all of its
students, rather than the students living and working for the
department in the language houses. Also, some departments have to
limit their activities to only students within the department, as
serving the entire campus would be impractical.
Students choose to live in the houses for their own
academic reasons and also to help other people, but generally they
become disenchanted and fall into their role as a tool of the language
department. The students lack the autonomy to act on their own,
and some departments even limit projects or events that are planned
independently from the departments. The language houses also lack
a sense of collective action within the students living in the house,
because most students do not have much in common with other students in
the house. Unlike honor houses, there is no uniting cause to
bring all of the students together in collective action – the
department takes this role in setting rules and artificial goals to
mobilize the students.
Several internal debates still surface – what is the
definition of multicultural, and what can we do to achieve
multicultural awareness? “Diversity” and “multicultural” seem to
be used interchangeably, which could be a reason that our question
about multicultural awareness was so difficult for subjects to
answer. On the other hand diversity seems to imply actual
diversity in people, whereas multicultural seems to imply a state of
mind and awareness about other cultures. However, it is still
uncertain whether it is the language houses’ duty to increase
multicultural awareness on campus. Language houses do seem like
they would be a very easy and already available resource to use to
increase multiculturalism on campus.
One of the major obstacles in the creation of an
atmosphere of collective action is the fact that students do not work
together for a common cause, like in honor houses. Language
houses would easily be more productive if they had a goal in common
rather than their individual language achievement (or area studies)
goals. It is difficult to create this atmosphere, so language
departments do their best to motivate the house members as a
whole. It also seemed that houses with a smaller number of
members had an easier time communicating with each other, as well as
with students who knew each other well before they chose to live in the
house.
In the future it would be beneficial to look at
international students’ role in bringing multicultural awareness to
campus, to look at language majors’ views of the houses, and to look at
the bureaucracy in greater detail. It would also be beneficial to
look at students who live on campus and their views of the language
houses. We believe that the issue of multiculturalism on the St.
Olaf Campus is an important goal for St. Olaf in the present time, and
also for the future. The resources are available already to
create greater multicultural awareness, they just need to be utilized.
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