Seventeen junior and senior students (15 females and 2 males) arrived in Bangkok, Thailand (via Northwest Airlines) on January 5 at 11:00 p.m. We immediately went to the beautiful Montien Riverside Hotel and slept until 7:00 at which time we had a great breakfast and then took a tour of the Royal Palace, visited the royal temple of the Emerald Buddha, Wat Po (the temple of the reclining Buddha), and Wat Arung (the Temple of Dawn). During this time we gained an appreciation of the importance of monarchy and Buddhism in modern Thai culture and society.

The next day we left for the Ancient City near Bangkok. On our hour bus ride to the historical park I discussed the Ancient City and what the students might expect to find. The Ancient City is referred to by many as Thailand in a "nut shell." It provides students with an opportunity to understand Thai history, culture, and the emergence of the modern Thai State. In the evening we took a boat ride up the Grand Canal and gained an appreciation of the importance of the modern capital city of Bangkok (The City of Angels and the Venice of the East). We stopped for three hours to eat at a river restaurant when I introduced the students to Thai cuisine and gave a Thai lesson on ordering food in a restaurant. We were joined by Luyen Phan (St. Olaf Alum working for World Teach in Bangkok) and Dr. Leedom Lefforts Jr. Professor of Anthropology at Drew University and expert on Thai society.

On January 8th we flew to Chiang Mai via Thai Airlines. We arrived in Chiang Mai and were met by Ajarn Add from the Department of History at Chiang Mai University. We took a city tour and then went to the Hot Springs at San Kamphaeng. At this site we talked about the Northern Thai Kingdom of Lana Thai and the importance of the 700 year-old city of Chiang Mai. After about 3 hours we returned to Chiang Mai and moved into the Suan Doi House for five days.

While we stayed in Chiang Mai we heard lectures at The Tribal Research Institute, visited three temples (Cheddi Luang, Phra Singh, Umong) with a guided tour and lecture by Ajarn Sommai (Professor Emeritus of Anthropology), visited an Elephant Camp, Butterfly and Orchid Farms, the 14 waterfalls at Mae Sa, and the most famous of Chiang Mai’s temples, Wat Doi Suthep. We also received a lecture by Professor Herbert Swanson of McGilvary Seminary on the Christian Church in Thailand and visited Chiang Mai’s resources for Karen tribal people--Center for the Uplift of Hilltribe Peoples, Tribal Research Center, Thailand Karen Baptist Church, New Life Center, and Thai Tribal Crafts Center. During our field trip to the Buddhist temples we were joined by Pat Quade, Mark and Linda Edwards.

On January 13 we traveled to Bon Mai Phattana with Ajarns Tete and Soredit. The trip took five hours but only covered 100 kilometers (62 miles). After arriving at the Hilltribe Resources and Development Center we moved into a new hostel built earlier this year. We stayed for two weeks in the village. During this time we interviewed male and female village leaders (headmen, pastors, teachers, healthcare workers, governmental workers, village weavers and agricultural specialists, governmental workers, shaman, and a variety of village elders). These interviews constituted our primary lectures within the village. They consisted of approximately one and a half hours each and prior to the interviews students we to read condensed versions of field notes taken by Professor Leming during his 1996 sabbatical when he interviewed these same people. This allowed students to pursue more questions in depth during the interviews.

The St. Olaf student group also taught English and played volleyball and basketball at the Friendship School, attended two worship services, a wedding, two wedding receptions, interacted with the girls at the center, and attended a village feast on the occasion of their leaving. We visited two Hmong villages, a Lisu village, and seven Karen villages. We attended a Christian Karen wedding, a village sing, a dedication feast for the new Bible School, and a Lisu new year's celebration. These experiences, along with extensive readings provided by the professor, became the basis for the ethnographic paper written by all students.

On January 29 we took the night train (4:20 PM) to Bangkok. When we arrived in Bangkok we immediately boarded a tour bus and traveled to Pattaya to spend two days at the beach. We took a boat to an island, ate a seafood lunch, recreated at the beach, attended a cabaret show, and returned to Bangkok on February 1. The next morning (4:00 AM) the students either returned to Minneapolis or extended their interim break as they traveled to parts further south.

Students completed a ethnography on the village of Tee Mae Ker Lah and in the process gained an understanding of the relationship between the Thai government and the Karen people. They also explored ethnographic studies of Thai tribal groups in northern Thailand--especially the Karen, Lahu, Akha, Hmong, Lisu, and Yao tribes. While participating in the daily life of the Karen people and interacting with the people at the Hilltribe Resources and Development Center--a cultural center attempting to preserve and perpetuate Karen cultural values within Thai society—the students became aware of the problems faced by minority ethnic cultures in Northern Thailand.

As the group of students wrote their ethnographically oriented research paper of 150 pages related to the study of Karen village life, they became aware of significant methodological and theoretical issues that are fundamental for liberal arts students in Sociology-Anthropology. We will also produce a website related to this ethnography and create a cultural artifact exhibit for the students, faculty, and staff of the St. Olaf community. It is my assessment that the experience was academically rich and personally rewarding for every member of our group. I will be using student evaluations and comments to improve the program should I lead it again.

 

REQUIRED READINGS

Cooper, Robert and Nanthapa. 1984. CULTURE SHOCK! THAILAND. New York: Times Books International.

Fieg, John. 1989. A COMMON CORE: THAIS AND AMERICANS. Intercultural Press.

Goodwin, Sharon. 1997. "’So many dreams’: The Hill Tribe Resources and Development Center at Mu Si Khee." Paper presented to the School for International Training College Semester Abroad.

Hayami, Yoko. 1992. "RITUAL AND RELIGIOUS TRANSFORMATION AMONG SGAW KAREN OF NORTHERN THAILAND: IMPLICATIONS ON GENDER AND ETHNIC IDENTITY." Ph. D. Thesis Department of Anthropology, Brown University.

Hovemyr, Anders. 1989. IN SEARCH OF THE KAREN KING: A STUDY IN KAREN IDENTITY WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO 19TH CENTURY KAREN EVANGELISM IN NORTHERN THAILAND. Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University Press.

Keyes, Charles F. (Editor). 1979. ETHNIC ADAPTATION AND IDENTITY: THE KAREN ON THE THAI FRONTIER WITH BURMA. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues.

Marshall, Harry Ignatius. 1922. THE KAREN PEOPLE OF BURMA: A STUDY IN ANTHROPOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. Columbus: Ohio State University.

Maybury-Lewis. 1997. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES, ETHNIC GROUPS, AND THE STATE (The Cultural Survival Studies in Ethnicity and Change). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Mulder, Niels. 1992. INSIDE THAI SOCIETY: AN INTERPRETATION OF EVERYDAY LIFE. Bangkok: D. K. Book House.

Renard, Ronald D. 1980. KARIANG: HISTORY OF KAREN-T'AI RELATIONS FROM THE BEGINNINGS TO 1923. Ph. D. Thesis Department of History, University of Hawaii.

Renard, Ronald D., et. al. 1988. CHIANGES IN THE NORTHERN HILLS: AN EXAMINATION OF THE IMPACT OF HILL TRIBE DEVELOPMENT WORK 1957-1987. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Research and Development Center, Payap University.

Schrock, Joanne L. , 1970. ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY SERIES MINORITY GROUPS IN THAILAND. "Chapter 13. The Karen." Washington, DC: Center for Research in Social Systems.

Yoshimatsu, Kumiko. 1989. THE KAREN WORLD: THE COSMOLOGICAL AND RITUAL BELIEF SYSTEM OF THE SGAW KAREN IN NORTHWESTERN CHIANG MAI PROVINCE." Final research Report presented to the National Research council of Thailand, Bangkok.

And the following articles: James Conklin "World View Evangelism: A Case Study of the Karen Baptist Church in Thailand." And Oliver Koehler "Tee Mae Ker Lah and The Karen Baptist Church."

TABLE OF CONTENTS

(Detailed Table of Contents)

Chapter 1: The Politics of Change: The Effects of Thai National Government Upon the Karen of Tee Mae Ker Lah

Chapter 2: Education in Northern Thailand

Chapter 3: Mu Si Khee: A Region of Economic Transition

Chapter 4: Family Structure of the Karen of Northern Thailand

Chapter 5: Animism, Buddhism, and Christianity: A Karen View of Religion

Underlying all political developments and power struggles between the Karen and the Central Thai government in the remote village of Tee Mae Ker Lah, found in Chiang Mai Province, is the question of land. Using the village of Tee Mae Ker Lah as a case study we broach the presence of the Central Thai government amongst the hill tribes of the north, the role of regional politics, and finally an analysis of the power structure and issues within Tee Mae Ker Lah.

Historical Background

Political struggle and persecution are not new themes for the Karen people, rather they appear as ongoing themes in their history. In order to understand the political system of the Karen requires a basic knowledge of their origins, settlement patterns, and the presence of Christianity within the context of their historical experience.

Due to an oral tradition and only the relatively recent adaptation of the Karen language to the Burmese script much of the knowledge of Karen history remains unsubstantiated. Their historical absence resounds further because of their isolation from other tribes (Schrock, 1970 801). Although presently the Karen are considered from Burma and Northern Thailand their historical origins reach to distant lands; some suggest their lineage lies in Tibet whereas others contend the Karen are one of the lost tribes of Israel (Schrock, 1970 797). The Karen’s migration across a river of "running sand" into Burma occurred roughly around 800 BC (Schrock 1970, 800) making them one of the original ethnic groups to settle the region. Originally the Karen held a great deal of political power in areas of northern Thailand and the Shan States of Burma (Schrock, 1970 801). Yet, the flourishing Karen kingdom did not last, and instead a pattern of domination over the Karen persisted. Burma, Britain, the Mon, and Thailand have all shared in ruling over the Karen in the relatively recent past. Presently the Karen population of Southeast Asia again falls subject to other powers. Primarily the Karen can be found along the eastern edge of the Burmese border and in the North and West of Thailand (Hovemyr, 1989 3).

The First Burmese War (1824-26) fought against the British brought the first contact with the Karen by a Western power. Concurrently, Western missionaries exposed the Karen to Christianity. The onslaught of war also resulted in mass movements of Karen over the border to what was then known as Siam (Hovemyr, 1989 104). During the Second Burmese War (1852-53) most of Lower Burma which had a large Karen population came under British authority (Schrock, 1970 801). Realizing the advantages of siding against the Burmese the Karen along with the Mon supported the British after the final Burmese War in 1885. Under British rule the Karen controlled three of the Shan states Kantarwadi, Kyebogyi, and Bawlake. Again in 1947 the new independent state of Burma recognized the area as Karen but the Karen themselves did not think the constitution granted them sufficient autonomy or adequate territorial holdings (Schrock, 1970 802). One year later, in response to the Burmese government the Karen mobilized and formed the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO) in order to seize control of disputed areas and promote more autonomy for the Karen states.

Revolt soon broke out and a prolonged conflict was inevitable given the tenuous Burmese/ Karen relations over the past century. In 1952, the Karen declared an independent sate consisting of the Swaleen area and several adjacent districts (Schrock, 1970: 804). Yet already by 1955 the Karen’s strength was severely weakened leaving them with only the Swaleen district. Realizing their compromised position leaders of the KNDO signed a truce agreement with the Burmese government in 1964. However, other KNDO members did not accept the truce and remained committed to an independent Karen state. Today the KNDO still remains a force in Burma promoting the recognition of autonomy for the Karen.

 THAI NATIONAL GOVERNMENT:
Thailand’s Constitutional Monarchy and it’s Major Players

The past century has brought many Changes to the Thai government. Since 1932 the government of the Kingdom of Thailand has been a constitutional monarchy. The country had been an absolute monarchy for approximately 800 years before a bloodless coup that occurred on June 24, 1932 brought it to an end. King Prajadhipok signed Thailand’s first constitution on December 10, 1932. Following the British system and style, the basic concepts of constitutional government and monarchy that were established in this constitution have remained practically unaltered.

With the transfer of power to a constitution-based system of government, the King is now the chief of state but with few executive responsibilities. He exercises his legislative power through the Parliament, his executive power through the Cabinet and his judicial power through the courts. The monarch is still held sacred and inviolable and the King is not to be exposed to any sort of accusation or action. The current King, his Majesty Bhumibol Adulyadej, ascended the throne in 1946 and is the ninth king of the Chakri dynasty. He is also the longest reigning king in Thai history. While King, Bhumibol Adulyadej has brought the monarchy into direct contact with the provincial population.

Although it is the monarch with the advisory role as chief of state, a Prime Minister is nominated to head Thailand’s national government and act as chief executive. Currently, Mr. Chuan Leekpai is Prime Minister of Thailand. The Prime Minister selects the Cabinet or Council of Ministers, which he heads. The cabinet is responsible for the administration of twelve ministries, the Office of the Prime Minister and the Office of State Universities. The legislative branch, the Parliament or National Assembly, is made up of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The 270 member Senate is appointed by the King on the recommendation of the Cabinet. The public directly elects the House of Representatives, totaling 360, to four-year terms. In Thailand the Senate is not as powerful as the House of Representatives. The Senate votes on constitutional Changes while the House writes and approves legislation.

Thailand’s military has had a substantial influence on the nation’s political affairs. Generals have commanded the premiership for 46 out of 64 years. Anand Panyarahun, interim premier for two short terms in 1991 and 1992, was able to diminish the military’s power considerably when he revoked a 14 year old ministerial order which gave the supreme commander powers as internal peace keeping director. Anand also decreased military power by ousting officers from executive posts. Currently the military works within the constitutional system to influence politically, decreasing the occurrences of revolutions and coups.

Regional Divisions

For governmental purposes, Thailand is separated into various divisions that are determined by population. The country is divided into 76 provinces. Those provinces are further divided into districts or ampurs. Districts are then divided into sub-districts or king-ampurs, which are once more divided into smaller divisions called tambons or village groups. Each tambon consists of numerous villages or muu baan. Within each village is a headman, assistant headman and village council.

An elected or appointed official heads individual divisions. Each province has a governor and every district a district officer, responsible to their provincial governors, who are appointed by Minister of Interior for four years: a system that leaves much room for corruption. Cities are headed by an elected mayor, tambons by an elected kamnan and village people elect a headman. Tee Mae Ker Lah is in the Ampur of Mae Chaem and the Tambon of Ban Chan. Ku Saw is currently the headman of Tee Mae Ker Lah.

A recent trend within Thai Government is decentralization in order to give villages more local power and control. At present, the Ministry of Interior has 70% control over village development and circumstance while the village has only 30% reign over these matters (Interview, Pichart, 21 Jan 1999). Gradually the Government wants each and every village to have complete control and authority over itself. To help with this process of decentralization the Government has created a county level organization, the Apawtau (A.P.T), which will be explained in greater detail later.

National Presence in North

Although Thailand’s Government is in a process of decentralization and giving more local control, National presence in the northern hills and tribal villages has continually increased over the years. As stated earlier, the Thai National Military has had a strong influence in political affairs. In the early 1700’s the Karen sided with the Mon in Burman conflicts. Shortly after fighting broke out many fled to Thailand, called Siam at the time, as refugees (Hovemyr, 70). With the fighting and constant conflict came military presence and influence. Even in the 1880’s, after permanently settling in villages in Mu Si Khee, contact with the Thai had been relatively limited (Hovemyr, 71). The Karen revolution in Burma is still a problem today that brings military power and influence with it.

The creation of roads has been a principal motive for the increase in National influence. The first road was created during World War II from Chiang Mai through the Mu Si Khee area to Mae Hong Son. It made little impact though because of the poor condition it was in. About 1955, the government completed construction of a road from Chiang Mai to Pai, giving villagers more access to ready-made goods and store-bought items (Renard et al, 100). The roads have also given villagers more possibilities to sell their own products in Chiang Mai and create a cash economy for themselves.

Along with better roads came government officials, travelers and tourists. In 1955 King Bhumibol Adulyadej was the first ruler to visit the northeastern provinces of Thailand. By talking with resident farmers and monks, government officials and enthusiastic crowds, he made actual contact with people and observed first hand the problems of the people. It has been said King Bhumibol Adulyadej is a ruler who clearly both listens and cares about village problems.

Even today the roads from Chiang Mai to Tee Mae Ker Lah are not in the greatest condition. Two government organizations help with bettering road conditions: the Highway Department and the Rural Development Department. Recently though, the Highway Department has constructed only five new kilometers of road and the Rural Development Department only ten new kilometers (Interview, Pichart, 21 Jan 1999).

In addition to road expansion, government developments have brought National influence and presence to the North. The largest of these is the King’s Royal Project, established in 1968. Soon after the King’s visit in 1955 and his observation of village poverty, land slash-and-burn and drug production he instituted a program to help hilltribes improve their standard of living. The aim of the project is to stop opium cultivation, slash-and-burn method of cultivation and forest destruction and to enable the people to grow useful crops that will earn them a good income (Interview, Pichart, 21 Jan 1999). Among other things, the tribal people are taught proper use of land, soil conservation, proper use of water and forest preservation. Villagers are being introduced to new crops to the benefit of Thailand economy.

In getting the project off the ground, the King worked through appropriate government agencies and at times in the early stages used his own funds. The King and government officials never simply issue directives. The impetus comes from the local population who must agree with the proposal and cooperate to see that it is successfully implemented (Interview, Pichart, 21 Jan 1999). Villagers would disagree. Thai and Karen government often differs with each other on what is wanted and done for a village. In the past Thai officials didn’t know much about Karen people and culture so the government would use its power to see what it wanted to see, not what was really occurring. Villagers feel that government officials just come and do, without asking (Interview, Paulo, 25 Jan 1999). Another Karen villager, Tongdee, believes local government thinks only of themselves and has different ideas about what to do with water, dirt and forest problems. For example, at one time the King’s Royal Project, whose mission is to preserve land and forest, planned on cutting pine trees in the Mu Si Khee area. The villagers were against this and put an end to the plan (interview, Tongdee, 27 Jan 1999). With the King’ s Royal Project the Karen have moved from a traditionally subsistence economy to a cash economy.

In addition to agriculture needs the National government has helped with the social welfare of the hilltribe people by bringing medical and educational programs. The King’s Royal Project has brought educational and medical facilities to permanent settlement in Mu Si Khee. Public health stations have been built and Western medicine is now the preferred treatment. The government schools are Thai oriented and children are taught Thai language, history and politics instead of their own. With these facilities come Thai government officials, employees and teachers who take up permanent residence in the villages.

Military presence and the Royal Project have also come about because of drug and narcotic problems in the hills. Law enforcement has extensive problems with the production and selling of opium, heroine and amphetamines among the villagers and within the country. The last century has brought much National presence and influence to the hilltribes of Northern Thailand whether the Karen appreciate it or not.

REGIONAL POLITICS

The village of Tee Mae Ker Lah lies in the ampur of Mae Chaem and within the Ban Chan tambon. Although seemingly less important than either the national or local level both the tambon and ampur levels of regional government constitute a much more important role than ever before as attempts to solve regional problems depend more on regional responses than solutions from the Central Thai government. Referred to as decentralization, this shift of power aims to empower local residents to seek solutions tailored to their individual needs. Unfortunately, several stumbling blocks stand in the way of allowing decentralization to fulfill its potential including: bureaucratic government, corruption, environmental degradation, land questions, and drugs.

Although decentralization appears as a catchall solution for a government, which has been unable to meet the needs of the remote hill tribes, many problems still impede the success of decentralization. Plagued by not only bureaucratic but also corrupt agencies regional government has many obstacles on its way to being an effective tool of Change for the people.

The Agricultural Extension Department, the Forestry Department, the Royal Project, the Forest Industry Organization, and the Public Health Department all share interests in the Mae Charm ampur according to Pichart (Interview, Pichart, 21 January 1999) the director of the King’s Royal Project at Wat Chan. Conflict arises not over the presence of numerous agencies, but because the jurisdiction of each agency lacks any have clear definition.

Land claims in particular illustrate the jurisdictional problems well. Beginning in 1964 the passage of the Reserved Forest Act shifted control of forest resources from local residents into the hands of the state. Placing land allocation power with the state removes all land holding rights from the indigenous residents making land holdings one of the primary points of contention in the region. The situation becomes further complicated because while the Thai government designated the Public Welfare Department the responsibility of caretaker of the hill tribe populations, the Royal Forest Department oversaw the forests, and the Land Development Department for land usage (Renard, 1988 55). In an attempt to remedy the overlapping spheres of influence the government initiated Fifth Economic Social Development Plan under the National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB). However, further analysis of the problems presently facing the region surrounding Tee Mae Ker Lah demonstrates the failure of the NESDB’ plan to distinguish the responsibilities of each department.

Plagued by ineffective government effective regional politics meets further opposition because of the corruption within the varying government agencies. Although guidelines exist for the development and protection of the land they do not guarantee the protection of the land, or its proper development. Because most of these deals occur under the table they are difficult to document, but a recent incident in Mae Hong Song Province involving the Interior Minister illustrates the degree of corruption found throughout government offices. Sanan Kachornprasart the Interior Minister allegedly issued fake permits to allow the Timber Group to illegally cut trees for his own personal use (Bangprapa, 1999 2). With the very people who are supposed to uphold the law and implement the law breaking it, it is easy to understand why the effectiveness of regional politicians will remain limited until the corruption and bureaucratic mess of overlapping agencies are dealt with in the northern hills.

Yet recently, attempts to grapple with problems of corruption and ineffective top down government are bringing about decentralization of central decision making authority to give more power at the tambon level. The decentralization process relies upon a new decision making power known as the Apawtaw (APT). Comprised of two elected village members and the headman from 6 villages the APT aims to serve as a more effective medium to seek out the most pressing local issues to residents and then seek solutions (Interview, Ku Saw, 29 January 1999). Roughly every four months the APT members meet for 15 days to discuss the village proposals. Mr. Chatana a locally elected APT member confides that they meet usually only 4 to 5 days every couple of months and that it is ample enough time to discuss the village projects. The elected members are able to determine the pressing issues through a constant dialogue with the villagers and village wide meetings. Once the residents and APT agree upon the projects it is up to the APT to appeal to the central government for funding. Such new found ability to bypass the traditional command structure means villages normally stymied by bureaucratic government might actually see new roads and clean water in their respective villages.

Initially the APT appears as the perfect resolution to not so perfect government. Even the Kamnan, or head of the Ban Chan tambon concurs that the APT promotes effectively the wishes of the villagers in ways the traditional power structure did not before (Interview Bur Kay, 26 January 1999). Yet it is important to note that decentralization is not yet widespread within Thailand, and instead is experiencing a test run within several different tambon. Furthermore, Bur Kay explains that the structure of decentralization is not uniform either and is happening differently everywhere.

Given the relative newness of the APT it is hard to know exactly what kind of effect it will have upon the people of the northern hills. Clearly the prospect of more self-rule after years of subjugation to a central authority which neither has the time or the knowledge base to make good decisions for the Karen people is a step in the right direction. Furthermore, the APT proves interesting because its new position of prominence and effectiveness seems to usurp the traditional system of authority through the village council. In terms of solving initiating projects such as reforestation, increased water quality and the building of dams (Interview Chatana, 28 January 1999) the APT in the last year has been highly successful. Still the APT’s success rate with regional problems of the environment, drugs, and land ownership rest more ambiguous.

As alluded to above the question of land ownership stands at the center of nearly every problem of the northern hills. Without land ownership the villager’s rights become much easier to manipulate especially since they are at the mercy of various government agencies. Although no one owns the land outrightly residents do pay a land tax on all fields and on any property. Tongdee states that the taxes are unreasonably high for the people of the region because their menial annual income and the small return of government services.

Hand in hand with the question of land ownership is the problem of land stewardship. Ecologically Mae Chaem district confronts many of the same water, soil, and reforestation problems as the rest of the country. Paulo Pazoo, a young farmer and aspiring village leader, responds to a question about the most pressing problem facing the village with one word: water (Interview, Paulo Pazoo, 25 January 1999). Not only does the quality of water pose a problem, but also the mere presence of water is becoming more questionable. In addition to water, forestation sits high on the list of environmental problems. Although many laws exist to protect the virgin forests of the area continually they are ignored in order to make a few extra baht.

While sitting talking with Paulo and other members of a youth band it is evident that questions of land management and environmental preservation constantly run through their minds. They are curious to find how others deal with similar problems in the United States. So concerned are these young men that presently they are about to embark upon a reforestation project sponsored by an American biologist, Jim Peters. Individuals like Paulo provide the hope that something can be done environmentally to protect the region, but they must conquer the huge hurdles of bureaucracy and corruption so entrenched that even the new APT cannot thwart them.

Finally, the presence of drugs within Mae Chaem depletes its potential by diverting resources towards the production of opium and therefore producing addicts who must steal to satisfy their habit. When asked the major problem confronting the village Ku Saw, the village headman responded that drugs pose the biggest problem (Interview, Ku Saw, 27 January 1999). In particular he mentioned those derivatives of poppies: opium, heroine, and now amphetamines. The presence of drugs is not new to the Northern Hills; in fact for many years they provided a steady source of income. Yet, today their presence wreaks havoc within the social structure of the village because scarce resources are devoted to fighting drugs and crime instead of improving roads or schools.

Giving each tambon the prospect of more self-rule provides the ideal construct for the hill tribes to create solutions for the problems the central government either ignored or didn’t know existed. Standing in the way of a successful decentralization program are the continuation of bureaucratic government and corrupt officials. As long as people who oversee the region do not hold its best interest at heart it will not matter what the new Awapataw wants to Change. Changes from bottom were necessary to empower more people, but the same is true at the top of the hierarchy as well.

THE VILLAGE EXAMPLE

The effects of the Thai national government decision to decentralize political control throughout the country has been felt with no more strength than in the Hill Tribe areas of Northern Thailand. The Changes in the national governments policy towards the Hill Tribes significantly altered the function and look of the Hill Tribe political system. Changes in government over the past year and a half, including the formation of new political seats in tune with the central government and an overall sense of heightened intrigue into village politics has lead to a series of alterations in both the structure and sources of power. While the long term results of the government decentralization plan are not yet apparent in the initial stages of the initiatives first years, a study into the Changes occurring in Hill Tribe villages like Tee Mae Ker Lah help shed some light on the political situation in Northern Thailand among the Karen.

Gaining an insightful understanding of the Karen political system in Tee Mae Ker Lah is hampered by two main factors. First, and most importantly, a wide range of ambiguity exists among the villagers understanding as to the function of political actors hand institutions. Only through extensive interviews with villagers, the political actors themselves and educated outsiders can a clear and concise picture of the Tee Mae Ker Lah political system be developed. Secondly, village politicians and institutions often struggled with the national government of Thailand over who actually hold the power to make decisions and regulate the actions of the Karen. But an overview of the government structure of Tee Mae Ker Lah does enhance an understanding of the Tee Mae Ker Lah Karen’s political system

Karen Hill Tribes have been recorded as having a formal village government system of over one hundred years. Overall politics in Tee Mae Ker Lah take place in a democratic style system. Political positions cannot be controlled by appointees or irresponsible politicians because all of the top officials in the Tee Mae Ker Lah political machine face political elections at least once every five years. Suffrage is impressed upon all residents of the area over the age of twenty who maintain a permanent residence in the village. Although high levels of voter turnout are reported by most villagers, patterns of voter turnout and participation are not yet apparent.

Even though elections do take place, many village citizens who have proven their worth in other important aspects of village life are asked by other influential villager to run for office. Those asked to run most often do so unopposed by any opponent and take office with no challenge (Interview, Mr. Chetana, 28 January 1999). Historically political leadership has not only been achieved through positive works in the village but has also often been passed down through family bloodlines.

Tee Mae Ker Lah Village Headman- Ku Saw

 In Tee Mae Ker Lah, the headman Ku Saw, even trough elected into his position took over for his father following the lather’s death. Although Ku Saw was voted into the position of village headman for life, the Thai government has since imposed restrictions on term limits for elected officials. Headman are now required to ace elections every four years, but because Ku Saw’s election took place before Bangkok’s pronouncement he has been grandfathered into the system and may keep the position as long as he likes, or until his death.

Currently, Ku Saw is only 43 years old, and has no plans to retire from his post in the near future. He will likely hold Tee Mae Ker Lah’s highest political position for some time to come. While other villages in the area will enjoy frequent free elections, Tee Mae Ker Lah will have to wait out Ku Saw’s term until a free election for head man can take place in their village.

Before the current restructuring of the village government set-up by the Thai government, the headman traditionally controls most of the power in the village. Traditionally, each headman is the leader of a pairing of two hill tribe villages. In the Tee Mae Ker Lah example the village is coupled with the Buddhist village of Hwuih Bong. Ku Saw is elected and by members of both villages and represents the two as a single unit to the Thai government. While the two villages do share differing religious beliefs governing both of them as one unit has not proved to be a major obstacle for Ku Saw. (Interview, Ku Saw, 26 January 1999.) The Headman’s main duties include going to monthly meeting of all the headmen from the Mu Si Khee area and presiding over village council meeting in Tee Mae Ker Lah. He receives a very small stipend for his work and must travel many months of the year to assure the voice of the villagers is heard among the Thai government.

The Village Council and Assistant-Headman

Because of the great strain the duties of the headman place upon Ku Saw, a strong supporting cast is present in Tee Mae Ker Lah to assist Ku Saw in his official duties. To fill these voids, the village council was set up as a representative body for the village. The council consists of seven members, four from Tee Mae Ker Lah and three from its partner village Hwuih Bong. Tee Mae Ker Lah holds more seats in the council because of its larger size. At least one members of the village council must be a woman according to village law. Out of the entire council, one member is chosen by the headman to serve in the village as the assistant-headman. The assistant headman in the Tee Mae Ker Lah government lives in village which the headman does not, which almost always is the smaller of the two villages in the village pairs. The assistant headman provides the headman with a partner who can attend to the village political occurrences when the headman is not available.

In congruence with the assistant-headman, members of the village council are elected every four years and are not compensated for their services. Each member of the council is required to take charge of a village subcommittee all of which deal with important issues in the village. These committees include the rice bank, youth, education women, development and environment committees. (Interview, Jim Peters, 20 January 1999) While these committees most often meet only once every month, they provide the villagers with an outlet to voice their concerns and ideas in an informal setting before they are brought in front of the village council.

The councils main responsibility is to act as a kind of middle man between the headman and the village at large. At least once a month the village council meetings are held and members of the council are allowed to present the concerns and request of the villagers to the headman in a formal session. Villagers themselves are also allowed speak during council meetings, but most villagers are either not interested or believe the village council meeting do not matter and do not attend the meetings (Interview, Tongdee, 27 January 1999). To make up for those who do not attend the village council meetings, Tongdee often attends himself to voice the opinions of others. In the village political system, the people with the loudest voices have the most influence. While many subjects are debated in the council setting, issues pertaining to land and water usage, along with discussions over the future growth of the village fill the councils agenda. Along with these primary functions, the village council also provides for many other important needs in the area.

Tee Mae Ker Lah Village Tax Collection

The village political machine receives money for it’s operating costs from two main sources. First, the Thai government, through its "self-help" policy provides a small stipend to the village. As of 1995, the central government allocated only $82 American dollars a year to the Tee Mae Ker Lah. While funds from the Thai government are inadequate, village tax collection occurs on a yearly basis to help compensate for the lack of money received from the central government. The collection of these taxes is one of the responsibilities of the village council.

The council collects two basic forms of taxes from the villagers of Tee Mae Ker Lah, sales and land tax. According to Tongdee, the taxes imposed on the villagers by the central government and collected by the council are very large in comparison to the small amounts of tangible property owned by each villager. Each rye of land owned by the Karen is subject to a five baht tax which goes directly to the central government coffers. The council itself also imposes a three percent tax on any sale of land between villagers (Interview, Tongdee, 27 January 1999). Many villagers, including Tongdee, disagree with the levels of taxes placed upon them while the value of their land continues to depreciate as the taxes grow larger.

Tax collection provides the village with enough limited resources to tackle numerous environmental, social and welfare concerns. Recently, the Tee Mae Ker Lah government has used most of their funds to build, repair and pave the roads through the center of town. Along with road development the village council has been active in promoting reforestation plans and proper irrigation systems to facilitate better crop growth and yields.

Debate, Development and Enforcement of Village Law

Another key function of the village council is debating, developing, writing and enforcing village law. In the Mu Si Khee example, most laws focus themselves around Christianity and the moral codes of the Christian faith. The Christian tradition, as incorporated into village law, has allowed the village to enjoy a relatively safe and prosperous history.

While a written set of village laws does exists and has been past down over the last 130 years, the village council often convenes to create new laws to counteract recent problems which develop in Tee Mae Ker Lah. "The villagers of Tee Mae Ker Lah abide by a set of written laws totaling 15" (The Karen of Northern Thailand, 47). These laws include:

1. Villagers should not quarrel, but should have unity

2. Villagers are expected to preserve Karen cultures and costumes. Adulterous behavior is not tolerated; villagers must love only one spouse.

3. No addictive substances (drugs or alcohol) are allowed in the village. No such substances are to be sold within the boundaries of the community.

4. If an outsider moving to Tee Mae Ker Lah wishes to build a house in the village he must get permission from the village council and from the other villagers.

5. Villagers should not steal.

6. Villagers are allowed to walk around in the village only during the day. A seven o’clock curfew is enforced in the evening. Any villager who must be out past the hour of seven p.m. must carry with them a torch.

7. Villagers are not allowed to use firearms in the mountains. Excessive noise is not tolerated.

8. A gardener must construct good fencing around his patch. A person who raises animals must care for them nicely. If one’s animal digs in another villager’s garden, the owner of the animal must pay for damages

9. If a person wishes to work outside of the village [i.e. Chiang Mai], he or she must inform the village council. (Note: This law was placed in effect a short time ago as a result of the Thai government wishes. The Thai government is primarily interested in Karen employment for reasons of demographic research and the allocation of government funds.)

10. If a villager commits a crime, the village council calls the individual before them. The person who does wrong may be warned against such action a maximum of three times. If the wrong-doer does not Change his or her behavior he or she will either be asked to leave the village or be referred to Thai authorities. The nature of the punishment depends upon the seriousness of the crime. (The Karen of Northern Thailand 48)

Attached to each of the laws is the punishment for breaking each individual law. The most common form of punishment is a monetary fine, however in extreme cases the punishment can be expulsion from the village. Enforcement of the laws has been ambiguous and family ties and status often do factor into whether or not punishments are enforced. Although written punishments do exist, they are not always enforced as written. Village law enforcement often deal with problems by not dealing with them at all and retribution often takes place much like it did in the Wild West in America, with villagers taking matters into their own hands when the village council does not (Interview, Jim Peters, 20 January 1999).

Thai Military Presence in Mu Si Khee

Villagers are not only subject to the laws of the village but are also subject to the national laws of Thailand which help to supplement the village law. No national police force is present in the Tee Mae Ker Lah area so the village council acts as the local police. The closest Thai police stations is 200 Km away from the Tee Mae Ker Lah area. Although here have been plans to built a police sub-district in the Mu Si Khee area, the current financial crisis in Thailand has delayed this endeavor indefinitely (Interview, Hans Srithep, 26 January 1999). A small Thai military presence also exists in the region and is responsible for enforcing Thai laws.

In the past, the Thai military once held enormous amounts of power. But over the last ten years this power base has shifted over into the political realm. Even so, the military does play a major role in the Mu Si Khee area.

The military provides social services in the Tee Mae Ker Lah area mainly through the Queen’s Royal Project. The main function of the Queen’s Royal Project is to provide weaving instruction and materials for the women of the village. They also provide marketing assistance for the products woven by the villagers with all of the proceeds from the sales returning directly to the women. The Queen’s Royal Project in Wat Chan also consists of service projects such as a rice bank, a library and a grocery store.

In addition to providing social services the military is also present in the region for national security purposes. Although the distance to the militant Burmese boarder is technically a long distance from Wat Chan, the threat of fighting, especially in the dry season as violence escalates keeps the military on patrol.

Hans Srithep, a career military man who is based in the Mu Si Khee area, specifically Wat Chan, provides a living example as to the military build up in the area. Although now stationed at the Queen’s Royal Project in Wat Chan, Srithep illustrated the volatile nature of Thailand’s northern boarders, sharing his war stories which testified to his injuries which resulted in the loss of a finger and chest injuries caused by shrapnel from a hand grenade. Though the dangers for a military man in Northern Thailand are high, the men’s loyalty to their country cannot be mistaken. Srithep felt no animosity following is injuries, "I did it for Thailand" (Interview, Hans Srithep, 26 January 1999). While the boarder has remained relatively quiet in the past years, the military has kept a substantial presence in the north in case new security problems do arise.

The Thai military’s most important role in the region revolves around it’s efforts to combat drug related problems. Through initiatives led by international agencies such as the United Nations and the Red Cross, the Thai national government in conjunction with the United States government has developed many programs to prevent and destroy any growth of the opium poppy among the Hill Tribe groups.

Since the mid-twentieth century, the Hill Tribe Welfare Committee has established projects which promote the development of alternative crops, such as strawberries and fruit trees in order to provided alternative sources of income to groups who were previously dependent on opium sales for survival. As a whole, the Karen have not been a major grower of opium due to inadequate soil for growing the plant. Yet, the effects of the opium industry are felt by all tribal populations, including the Karen. While alternative crops have come a long way in preventing the excessive growth of the opium poppy in the hills, many poppy fields still dot the landscape, requiring constant policing to ensure their eradication. 

Because the Thai military is present as a security force in the region, they have also taken up the role of drug task force. Hans Srithep’s daily routine in Ban Wat Chan revolves around drug enforcement related activities. While he does provided some public services, such as checking up on the older members of the village, the majority of his day is spent checking co-op shops for signs of drug sales and production. He also spends a considerable amount of time wondering the fields of the surrounding villages searching for the raw opium poppy. He explained the drug trade as basically a three step business system which occurs in the north. First, the opium poppies are grown in hidden fields, then they are distributed throughout the villages for production into opium byproducts such as heroin and amphetamines, which has replaced raw opium as the drug of choice amongst many of the village producers (Interview, Ku Saw, 26 January 1999). The final step in the drug trade is the sale of the final product to dealers from the Chiang Mai area who drive to the villages, acquire the drugs, and then take the product back to the city for sale.

To combat this drug syndicate effectively, the military targets opium production at it’s source, the growers. Attacking, arresting and incarcerating opium poppy growers is an attempt by the military to curb the drug problem in it’s beginning stages before the raw plants are distributed into smaller quantities among high tech mobile labs which can process the plant, tear down their operation and move out before the military has any chance to intercept them.

Government Official

Traditionally the headman of the Karen held the seat of power in the village, but the Thai governments push for decentralization has necessitated the formation of a new village official. This official has usurped much of the power formally held by the headman even though the position has been in existence for less than one year. Werachi, the government official for Ban Chan Tambon, which includes the village of Tee Mae Ker Lah was elected by the village to represent them at the Tambon level through the APT.

Because the position of government official requires strenuous travel, Werachi was unavailable to discuss his position. However, Mr. Chetana, an elected member of the Ban Chan government explained the position of government official. The government official works as a liaison between the Thai government and the village. Government officials only receive a 500 Baht stipend a month from the Thai government therefore Chetana must supplement his income working as both a farmer and a caretaker of the young boys at the Hill Tribe Resource and Development center in Ban Mai Phattana.

Leading a village coalition of three members (including the headman) the government official is responsible for finding the needs of the villager and voicing these needs at the monthly meetings at the APT level.

Prior to the development of the APT and the position of the government official, the central Thai government held all of the power for the development and implementation of government works projects at the village level. Often, nationally sponsored projects did not combat the most pressing issues of the area and were not suitable for the village. The position of government official has aided in solving this problem by allowing the villagers a direct representation in the implementation of development projects. The government official is responsible for calling meeting in which villagers area able to voice their needs and concerns. The projects developed out of these meetings most likely would not have occurred if the APT and the position of government official were not established.

Sources of Authority

The chain of authority from headman through village council provides Tee Mae Ker Lah with an officially recognized source of authority. However, these government institutions are not the sole source of authority for the Karen. Traditional sources of authority have remained strong even with the institutionalization of power. The church, village elders and educated or esteemed members of the community provide the main forms of traditional authority in the village. Before the formalization of the village political structure, the traditional forms of authority held the power to make key political decisions in Tee Mae Ker Lah.

In Tee Mae Ker Lah, the church is the most influential traditional source of authority. Ajarn Chatree (Timothy) stands out above the rest and often acts as the village judge, having the power to impose fines, or expel members of the village who have violated moral codes. Timothy’s main form of legitimization comes through his role as the leader of the church, which is the most important institution in Tee Mae Ker Lah. The churches influence is exemplified by the role it plays in the daily lives and routines of the villagers. Most of the village activities are centered around the church and when problems arise the villagers often turn to the church leaders for advice, They receive this advice and guidance through church organizations such as prayer groups, church committees, and Wednesday night cell groups consisting of three to four families who unite each week for devotions.

Even the laws of Tee Mae Ker Lah have a basis in Christian morality. "Subjects of the Karen law include industry. indolence, helping the poor, widows and orphans, evil-doers, duty to parents, humility, swearing, covetousness, partiality, backbiting hatred, quarreling , falsehood, oppression, theft, etc." (The Karen of Northern Thailand 47).

The Church’s moral influence has allowed it to control development interests in the village. If the church singles out a project in need of development they are able to allot the appropriate resources and manpower to complete the project. The church as an institution is the most influential form of traditional authority.

The elders of the community also hold a position of traditional authority which characteristically follows the Karen tradition of hold the older members of the community it high esteem.

Often a blur develops between the two forms of authority in the village. According to Jim Peters, when there is a serious problem in the village with a government program, the traditional leaders stand out and exert their influence independently from the Tee Mae Ker Lah government. An example of traditional authority exerting its influence was evident in the area eight years ago when the Karen, along with several NGOs successfully banded together to block a systematic pine logging programs by the King’s Royal Project even though it was supported by the national government. While the official government in Tee Mae Ker Lah remains influential and purposeful, the "traditional will prevail" (Interview, Jim Peters, 20 January 1999) when disagreements with the official government spring forth.

Current Issues

The vast majority of current key issues in the village revolve around the constant misunderstanding between the Thai and the Karen. The main conflict between the Thai’s and Karen centers around the usage of water, soil and forest in Mu Si Khee (Interview, Tongdee, 27 January 1999). While conflict over land control and usage still exist, both groups are on the road to a better understanding of the others desires. While it is true the Thai government does hold all of the power over the Karen, as they have filtered up into the hills they have begun to Change their views of the effects of the Karen people on the forest. The Thai government has begun to realize that the Karen are responsible and use the forest in a manner that they approve. The government is starting to see what they want to see in the area: the Karen do not participate in slash and burn agriculture techniques and have initiated beneficial programs to improve the land.

Land is not the only issue separating the Thai’s and Karen. The misrepresentation of the Karen people in the national media in an attempt to sway Thai’s against the Karen and in favor of the Thai government official policy programs have angered many villagers. (Interview, Tongdee, 27 January 1999).

Although a separation of opinions still exists between the Karen of Mu Si Khee and the Thai government, initiatives are being taken by the Karen in an attempt to created better relations between themselves and the Thai people. Examples of this effort can be seen in both the younger and older generations of the Karen. Through all generations, the goal of someday bridging the gap between the Karen and Thai is a shared dream. Younger Karen children are currently educated in Thai language to familiarize them with the southern majority. At the same time children are encouraged to maintain their Karen roots through simple activities, such as wearing their traditional Karen dress to school on Wednesday and church on Sunday. There is a strong push in the community to teach the younger children to read and write Karen script so the language does not become dead. The push towards higher education is mainly lead by the older generation. The lack of education in this age group has severely hindered their ability to work with the Thai, and in turn become a threat to the survival of the basic culture of the Karen. Education is seen as the best chance for the younger generation to survive in a world heavily influenced by the outside Thai stimuli.

Even as the children are prepared for advanced interaction with the Thai, elders members of the community refuse to let the Karen identity be lost. "We can speak Thai and look Thai, but in our hearts we are not Thai" (Interview, Tongdee 27 January 1999). They these serve as an example of the elder generations push to assure the survival of Karen pride and tradition.

The Karen have also created many alternative avenues, especially among the younger generation, in hopes of creating a better understanding between Thai’s and Karen. One of the most creative attempts towards education has come in the form of Mr. Tongdee’s music. While touring Thailand as a famous folk singer, Tongdee has incorporated messages of Karen life, culture and pride into is songs to share with the Thai fans who attend his shows.

A more conventional approach to the situations has been taken by Paulo Pazoo, a 25 year old farmer, who volunteers his time to travel between Chiang Mai and Tee Mae Ker Lah, serving as a liaison between the Karen and Thai government in deforestation issues. The interest of many NGOs in the state of the Northern forest has also lead to their entrance into the political scene in Mu Si Khee. This phenomenon has forced Pazoo to also work with these groups to assure the Karen of Tee Mae Ker Lah and the NGOs are asking the same questions and making the same demands to the government (Interview, Paulo Pazoo, 26 January 1999). Both groups are extremely concerned with the destruction of the watershed forests and the infiltration of pollutants into the water supplies of the hills. Paulo’s efforts and drive provide an example to the Thai government of the Karen’s willingness to work for a joint solution to the pressing issues of Mu Si Khee.

Regardless of the efforts of both parties, obstacles constantly hinder the goal of a better understanding. One major roadblock are the political actors themselves. Corruption has proven to be large problem, both on the local and national level. Corruption on the local level has often been the result of selfishness and greed. Often political leaders who prove to be honest have had severe difficulties functioning in the political arena and have developed little or no power. Bribery is more of a problem with national officials, but it too trickles down to the local politicians.

Further burdens which plague the Thai and Karen relationship is the disattachment of many of the key political actors from their constituents. Those who hold the power are often in positions which require extensive travel that takes them out of Tee Mae Ker Lah and distances them from the true problems and concerns of the villagers. Also, when politicians in upper levels receive their monetary compensation for their work, it most often comes from the Thai government, as in the case with the government official. This situation can unintentionally cause a bias from the official towards the policies and wishes of the Thai government.

On the surface the government of Tee Mae Ker Lah is running smoothly. Yet, the underlying problems, if they continue, may cause major rifts in the political climate. Dirty politicians plague both the national an local political scene and make achieving useful goals a strenuous challenge. Leaders who attempt to bridge the differences between the Karen and Thai desires often are forced to leave the village for an extended period of time and as a result become disattatched from the village life and distance themselves from the needs of the Karen.

Political activity in Tee Mae Ker Lah is dynamic and is currently in a state of transition as Changes are being made to assist in the national governments goal of decentralization. A shift in power has occurred which lessens the power of the headman in order to make room for the government official. There has also been a split in the authority between the official government system and the traditional forms of authority, however, the two forms of authority compliment one another well and create a functioning system. Although new political issues often arise for the village of Tee Mae Ker Lah, the most pertinent issues are those that have existed for some time: land, drugs, water and relations with the Thai. The younger generations are preparing themselves to tackle the same issues and claims as their parents, and will be ready to lead when their time comes.

 Bangprapa, Mongkol. "Chalerm: Interior Minister Involved in Illegal Logging." Bangkok Post. January, 29 1999: 2.

Burkay. Interview. 26 January 1999.

Mr. Chatana. Interview. 28 January 1999.

Hovemyr, Anders P. In Search of the Karen King: A Study in Karen Identity With Special Reference to 19th Century Karen Evangelism in Northern Thailand. Uppsala: Studia Missionalia, 1989.

Ku Saw. Interview. 26 January 1999.

Leming, Mike ed. The Karen of Northern Thailand. 1998.

Pazoo, Paulo. Interview. 25 January 1999.

Peters, Jim. Interview. 20 January 1999.

Pichart. Interview. 21 January 1999.

Renard, Ronald D. et al. Changes in the Northern Thai Hills: An Examination of the Impact of Hill Tribe Development Work. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Payap University, 1988.

Renard, Ronald D., et. al. Changes in the Northern Thai Hills: An Examination of the Impact of Hill Tribe Development Work: 1957-1987. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Research and Development center, Payap University, 1988.

Schrock, Joanne L. Ethnographic Study Series: Minority Groups in Thailand. "Chapter 13. The Karen." Washington DC: Center for Research in Social Systems, 1970.

Srithep, Han. Interview. 26 January 1999.

Tongdee. Interview. 27 January 1999.

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Education in Thailand is experiencing great Changes that are affecting both its structure and function, as well as the lives of people throughout Thailand. Tribal peoples like the Karen are facing the influx of Thai and Western culture and education is one of the central mediums where this is happening. Surapon, a Karen from the village of Tee Mae Ker Lah, is one example of how education is changing the lives of those who receive it. She recently returned to the village to visit after completing her master’s degree. Surapon represents the opportunities made possible by education for the people of her village as well as for Thailand in general. Thailand has always valued education, and the opportunities available to its people have varied over time. With the more recent development of formal education among the Karen, the protection of their traditional culture and lifestyle is a crucial issue today. For the Karen, education brings many benefits as well as new challenges.

History of Thai Education

Before the development of any formal educational institutions, learning was done in the home and parents and elders were the teachers of young people. Education was practical and informal; young people learned the skills and knowledge needed to live in their society. Girls learned household chores and domestic skills while boys were taught how to farm and perform other masculine duties. Understanding and behaving in a manner appropriate to one’s gender was also central to traditional education. Traditional education created a new generation of adults who could live competently in the society in which they grew up. While traditional education was a part of everyone’s life, formal education was unavailable to many young people. Currently Thailand promotes a school-based primary education for all children, but many have not had access to Thai schools for geographic as well as financial reasons. For these people, education through the Buddhist monastery has been a valuable alternative. The monkhood offers males the opportunity to study spiritual as well as secular materials while gaining an experience that is respected in Thai society. It also provides food, shelter, and protection for males coming form poor and isolated backgrounds; something that many parents can not always provide.

Spending some time in the monkhood is a popular option among Thai males. While there are approximately 30,000 senior monks who have been in robes for ten years or more and seriously follow religion in their lives, there are 75,000 or so who have a temporary experience in robes (Mulder, 1992). Most of the temporary monks spend about three months in the monastery and believe that their time serves as a transition period between adolescence and adulthood. The remainder of the nearly 225,000 monks in Thailand are there for the educational benefits and typically stay for three to five years, or until they are ready to move on. The only requirement for entering the monkhood is completion of compulsory primary schooling (Mulder, 1992).

As women are not allowed to become monks, they traditionally missed the best opportunity for affordable, advanced education in Thai society. Formal education was not seen as necessary for women because their work would be done in the home. Today, women in Thailand are also required to complete the same compulsory primary education as men, and their opportunities are growing.

Thai Curriculum and Structure

Schools in Thailand are centralized, and all of their curriculum comes from the government in Bangkok. For this reason, most people refer to it as "the Bangkok Curriculum". Students were formerly required to complete their compulsory primary schooling for six years, but it has recently been increased to nine years. Many schools are now beginning to offer all nine grades in one building. All students in grades 1-9 are required to study Thai language, science, and mathematics. English formerly began at age eight or nine, but has recently been added at this level as well (Jantra, 1/25/99). Schools also have required electives, such as physical education, art, music, practical skills, and religion (Buddhism and Christianity). Both boys and girls take the same courses, but there are some variations. While boys in a practical skills class in Hwuih Ya made bricks, girls learned to weave. There are also a number of extracurricular activities available to students. Karen language and culture is taught in some areas after school, and scouting is an extracurricular activity that is required of all students. The scouting program teaches students patriotism and outdoors knowledge through class time as well as an overnight camp program. Sports are also available to students, and volleyball and basketball are the most popular and accessible choices for students.

History of Karen Education

For many Karen, education at home was based on cultural tradition. Before the missionaries came into the Karen villages and began the teachings of Jesus Christ, many families were brought up with Karen morals. Some of these teachings dealt with ceremonial traditions such as learning about the different rituals with death and burial, marriage ceremonies, and the positions of women in society.

The lack of education brought upon oppression and much of the suffering of the Karen people when the British came to colonize Burma (Marshall, 1922). Many Karen were forced to migrate to Thailand because they did not want to pay tributes to the Burmese government (Ajarn Sompob, 1/11/99). In Thailand, the Thai government started oppressing the Karen community by trying to convert them to become more Thai-like.

Growing up, Su mentioned how she remembers when her brother and sister had to help each other pound rice grains in the rice pounder. A long log is the main architecture of the machinery. The log is positioned so that it resembles a teeter-totter at which one end is attached a smaller log perpendicular to it. To work this device, a person would step on one end while another person is positioned at the other end, with the perpendicular log, ready to toss the grain as the log is raised. Since the log was so big and heavy, Su and her siblings would help each other pound the rice. Su mentioned how her sister would help her step on the log so that it would raise and give her brother enough time to toss the wheat (rice) grain. This chore was part of her informal education.

Growing up as a minority, many Karen’s right to lead their own lives with strictly Karen ways were taken away from them—with the control of the Thai government. Along with schools opening and missionaries coming into the villages to teach about the bible, modern industrialization allowed the Thais to move into Northern Thailand. Many people like Su and her family were forced to spend their time studying rather than help around the house with traditional chores. They base their daily lives on jobs they have obtained in the cities through the education they have received from their studies.

In correspondence to these activities in Northern Thailand, Herb Swanson made an insightful comment on the lives of many tribal people, in Thailand. In a class lecture, he mentioned how the missionaries were an aid to the Thai government to destroy Northern Thailand and bring in Thai culture. Swanson believed this was the reason why the Thai government (made up of mostly Buddhist followers) did not attempt to stop the incoming missionaries (Swanson, 1/11/99).

The educational system shows the great dominance of Thai culture in the tribal villages. For instance, Thai laws state that no tribal language can be spoken or taught in the schools (Grunewald, 1/26/99). Amy Grunewald mentioned how the Central Thai classes that are being taught in the village schools have no relation to the lives the Karen children lead when they go home. A typical schedule for a Karen student would be to take an English, Mathematical, Thai dance or culture, and Thai history class. Often times, Karen children will wai their elders (teachers) upon greeting them. This is something that has been adapted from Thai culture that has never been used in Karen culture (Grunewald, 1/26/99).

Although Karen administrators and parents have had many conflicts with trying to obtain Karen values and culture within the schools, the Hwuih Ya Government School is seen as most prominent with its efforts by going around the Thai laws. Hwuih Ya is an elementary school that is Kindergarten through the eighth grade. During an interview with the principal of Hwuih Ya, he mentioned the chaotic situation with the Thai government not allowing Karen ways to be taught in the schools. The principal and teachers at Hwuih Ya finds ways to accommodate both the Thai laws and the need to maintain Karen culture by holding after school classes that teach the Karen language. However, in the home economics classes, some of Karen culture is visible in which girls are taught how to weave and boys are taught how to make bricks.

In an interview with the medicine man, we learned that many parents, like he, want to see their children achieve a higher living standard. He wants his children to receive the best qualitative education they can so that they can obtain a job where they would not have to labor all day in the rice fields as the medicine man and many people of his generation has been brought up.

Daycare and Preschool

The daycare center/preschool in Tee Mae Ker Lah was started with assistance of Ajarn Tete and the Hilltribes Resource and Development Center. The preschool now receives support from the government. The tuition cost for a child is 1 baht per day, but even the children who can not pay are still allowed to attend. This time of separation from the children allows parents to work in the fields or at jobs outside the home. Students come to the center from 8:30 until 3:30. Presently there are more than 20 children who attend the center everyday. If even a few more students enroll another teacher would be needed (Preschool teacher, 1/20/99).

The children start the day by lining up outside the building next to the playground to sing the national anthem and raise the flag. They also celebrate a Christian worship and pray in the morning. They begin to learn their ka-kai, co-cai (Thai ABCs) by chanting as a group. The teacher tells them stories in Thai; for many Karen children this experience is their first contact with the Thai language. Dancing for physical exercise is also part of the routine. At 12:00 every day the children eat rice for lunch and then have naptime.

In this center, a point is made to teach the students about the Karen culture. The teacher has more flexibility in what she teaches the children because at the pre-primary level the government has less control. Karen baskets and games are seen around the room to encourage the children to appreciate their Karen heritage.

The school has one building, without electricity. There is a swing set outside that makes up the focus of the play area. Inside there is artwork hanging from the ceiling made from straws, pop cans and paper. Posters of birds, plants, fruit and numbers cover the walls. A raised area with sleeping mates is used for naptime. The children seem to enjoy coming to the school. Many children run to grab a spot on the swing set or inside on the floor when the teacher begins a lesson. During observation the children were well behaved and enthusiastic. After age 5 the children begin the next step of kindergarten at one of a few schools in the area.

Primary and Middle School

Both the Hwuih Ya government school and the Sahamit or Friendship School follow the same government prescribed curriculum and have the same calendar. Students attend classes from June through September and November through February with a break in October and summer vacation from March through May. In addition there are many holidays during the school year. As one teacher commented, "the Thais really like to have festivals so there is one for almost everything" (Jantra, 1/25/99). Several educators, including teachers and the principal of the government school, commented that the lack of continuity in both schools is very apparent. Most teachers take roll in their classrooms, but attendance is very laid back for both the students and the teachers. Some teachers come and go as they like, even if it means there is no teacher for their classes. Evaluation of students is very difficult because school is so irregular. Sometimes educators find it necessary to ‘cheat’ and show the government what they want to see with a certain spread of scores (Grunewald, 1/26/99).

Two farang teachers who have spent time at both Hwuih Ya and Sahamit schools remarked that teachers have a real drive to get the students to score well rather than to be sure they are learning worthwhile material. Teachers use the rote method of teaching, often standing in front of the class and having the students repeat after them. Students hold their teachers in very high regard. Social bonds between teacher and student, similar to a parent-child relationship are common among the Karen.

Sahamit or Friendship School

The Sahamit School was founded in Matah but was later moved to Tee Mae Ker Lah when land could be purchased in 1963. When the school started 45 students enrolled. The school is owned by the Baptist Christian Service Foundation and recent contributions from the Swedish Church Aid have allowed for building additions to be made to the school (Leming field notes).

Today the school provides K-9 education for over 460 children from Tee Mae Ker Lah and surrounding villages. Many students who live further away stay in a nearby hostel during the week and go home over the weekend. Most of the students are from the Karen tribe but there are also a few Hmong, Lisu and Northern Thais. In 1995 the tuition fees were 250 baht for elementary school (Leming field notes) but today in 1999 there are no fees because of increased support from non-government agencies. The government pays for a certain percentage and the rest is covered by a charitable organization called Compassion (Jantra, 1/25/99). Unlike the government school, the Sahamit School has enough money to provide students with the necessary supplies and textbooks.

There are 27 teachers at the Sahamit School. All but two of the teachers are Karen and Christian. The average income for a teacher at this school is approximately 6,000 baht per month. Some of the more educated/experienced teachers make a maximum of 10,000 baht per month. This is about 60 percent of the average salary at the government school and most of the teachers have other jobs working at home or in the rice fields to supplement their income. Jantra, and English teacher at the Sahamit School commented that she teaches because, "I love the students and I want them to get a good education" (Jantra, 1/25/99). This attitude seems to be common for many educators, despite the apparent problem of inconsistent attendance of some.

During one day of observation Jantra was forced to combine two levels of English classes because the other English teacher did not show up to teach his classes. Her class swelled to 45 students of varying levels. Jantra commented that this was a very normal situation. Teachers come and go and teach when they like, if the students are lucky another teacher will step in otherwise they are left with a period of recess. For some students a lack of teachers in attendance can mean a whole afternoon of volleyball, basketball or playing games with friends.

The daily schedule for school is from 8:00 am until about 3:30 p.m. There are seven periods a day for older students. Kindergarten meets for four hours each morning. Some students go home for lunch at 12:00 while others bring lunch from home. The kindergarten and first grade students are given curry and/or vegetables for lunch; all they need bring is rice.

Although Bangkok sets the curriculum there is some limited flexibility for the Sahamit teachers to Change their curriculum. The government provides educators with a list of books to chose from and the teachers select ones from which they will teach. Grading is done on a 4 point system, 4 being the best and 1 failing. Students are expected to complete tests and assignments for each class. In addition, some teachers also take attendance into consideration.

Students are expected to take classes in geography, science (chemistry), math, and language. Learning English begins in kindergarten and by the ninth grade students are expected to read, write and be able to use English in daily conversations. Art, music, cooking and some vocational programs are offered as elective courses.

The Sahamit School just started teaching Karen a couple years ago. The chaplain of the school holds classes twice a week in which students can chose to learn more about the Karen language, music or handicrafts. This is one of the only options they have for squeezing Karen into the Bangkok Curriculum.

Christianity is something that is maintained at the Sahamit School. Because it is a Christian school Sahamit receives less funding from the government than other schools. Every day the students start the school day with a prayer and chapel service. They are expected to attend a Bible class taught by the chaplain once a week. Children learn biblical stories and good Christian habits. Teachers also have their own Christian chapel service every Wednesday.

For each grade there are certain objectives that need to be passed before a student can continue into the next grade. For example, in a Thai language class a student is expected to begin reading and writing by the completion of first grade. In second grade they will focus on spelling and sentence structure. Each year’s objective contains certain expectations in the categories of vocabulary, grammar, comprehension and practice. In the past if students could not pass the objective they would stay in the same grade until they could pass. Jantra stated that one student had spent 10 years in the second grade. Now they allow the student to keep taking the exam over and over in the same year until he or she passes; the goal is to keep them moving through the system.

When speaking to parents about their impressions of the Sahamit School all felt that their children were getting a very good education there. The parents wanted to prepare their children to study elsewhere after the ninth grade and the perception was that Sahamit did an adequate job doing so (Esther & Timothy 1/26/99, Jantra 1/25/99, Udom 1/26/99, Tete 1/27/99). It is interesting to note that the principle of the government school also sends his children to the Sahamit School for their education.

Hwuih Ya Government School

Hwuih Ya is not a typical Thai government school because its principal Udom is so dedicated to giving his students the best education possible. According to those who work with Udom he is a very giving man with a strong faith in God (Grunewald 1/26/99). Unfortunately there is not enough money or resources for Udom to put all his plans into action. Currently a new cafeteria with a cement floor is being built so the students will have a central location in which to eat lunch. The next project that Udom argues the school needs desperately is a water system (Udom 1/27/99). Currently students have to carry all the water they use up a fairly large hill. After this project Udom would like to begin work on building some new study rooms and classroom space.

The school relies heavily on outside donations of pens, notebooks and sports equipment to keep the school running. Amy Grunewald, an English teacher at the Hwuih Ya School, recalls several times when students had notebooks that had been cut in half because supplies were so short. Many students resort to writing in the margins of used pages once the notebook is full. Grunewald believes that the shortages are a result of very little money and the Karen mentality of using things up as soon as they are received.

Although Hwuih Ya is a government school, Udom still insists that the students start their day with a short prayer after the national anthem and flag raising. The government does not allow Christianity to be taught in the government school but extra curricular classes in Bible study are offered.

Most of the students at the government school live in dormitories. There are approximately 150 students of varying ages that live on the school grounds. An average of 12 students sleep on mats in a given room. The dormitory residence provides an opportunity for students to become good friends with one another. The Compassion charitable organization pays the students’ dorm fees, tuition and buys some supplies/uniforms. The yearly tuition is 95 baht for the primary grades and 135 baht for the junior high. The government provided only 100 uniforms for the school and many students do not wear uniforms because they don’t have the money to purchase one.

The government school, like the Sahamit School follows the Bangkok Curriculum. Teachers are expected to teach certain material. Science classes such as chemistry are stressed at Hwuih Ya. In the lower levels students are also required to take a class to create good habits. They learn how to wai, behave with elders and act with good manners. Boys and girls also take home economics classes in which they learn how to cook and clean.

Nothing is taught about local culture; everything is on a national level (Grunewald, 1/27/99). The books that are used in the cities of Thailand are the same books being used in the rural villages. This can be a problem when certain issues or examples that appear in the text are characteristic of city life. Students are shown examples of city buses, video games and book stores- not things a Mu Si Khee resident would be familiar with. All classes are taught in Thai and the Karen language is not taught at any level.

One of the crucial focuses at the Hwuih Ya school is the vocational training programs. Girls and boys are separated into two groups. The boys learn how to make cement bricks and girls learn how to weave in the traditional Karen fashion. There is some overlap, many girls learn brick making in addition to weaving and some boys try weaving. Both programs offer hands-on-experience from start to finish and students are rewarded for exceptional work. This type of training is one way for children to learn practical skills they can use after finishing school if they chose to stay in the village.

There are a total of 12 teachers at the Hwuih Ya school including 1 monk, 2 Thais, and 1 farang. The rest are Karen. The teachers at the government school make 9,000 baht per month on average. The teachers enjoy their work but many confess they are frustrated or bored. Udom remarked that there is a shortage of teachers at the school and often, older students are asked to watch over a class with no teacher. The students receive approximately 3-4 hours of proper schooling a day due to conferences, meetings or other activities that keep teachers or children out of the classroom. Many educators feel there is an endless circle of poor education-lack of sponsorship-continued poor education (Tim, 1/22/99). They want their students to go on to further education after the ninth grade but for so many students this plan is not feasible.

Similar to the Sahamit School, teachers are in charge of certain activities and serve on committees. Various groups have been established to make decisions about certain aspects of the school such as parent-school relations, budget, extra-curricular activities and sponsorship committees.

Some classes are held outside with students sitting on benches others are held in classrooms with thin walls. Most classrooms have a chalkboard with rows of tables and benches. In the lower levels children sit on the floor while the teacher presents charts of numbers and the alphabet.

There is no doubt that the Karen students who attend either Hwuih Ya Government School the Sahamit Friendship School are greatly influenced by Thai culture in their schools. With the increasing presence of television many young children are being flooded with new ideas about art, music, love and behavior. The impact this viewing has on the children’s ‘Karen-ness’ depends on who one talks with. Karen educators such as Jantra see it having little affect on the children’s views (Jantra, 1/25/99) but farang educators with an outside perspective see television as a profoundly detrimental influence (Grunewald 1/26/99). Most educators want their students to get a good Thai-style education, have a good standard of living and preserve their Karen culture (Udom, 1/27/99). Whether or not this combination can actually survive remains to be seen.

High School and Post Secondary

After finishing the eighth or ninth grade in the villages, the Karen children must attend schooling in the bigger cities; such as Chiang Mai, in order to graduate from high school. Esther and Timothy have sent their children to the cities to finish their schooling. They both come from a very respectful and religious family. Like many people from their community, they want their children to achieve the best education possible in hopes of saving them from a bitter future. They do not want their children to work in hard conditions and long hours for little pay.

Esther and Timothy mentioned, in an interview, some of the negative and positive aspects of sending their kids to school in the cities. The positive aspects of sending their children to the cities are that they will adapt to Thai ways and better prepare them for their futures. However, Esther and Timothy fear that the negative things will outweigh the positive things in sending their children off to study in the bigger cities. One of their biggest fears is that their children will have a hard time assimilating into Thai culture from the lives that they have lead in the mountains of Thailand.

Tete’s Project

There are many problems oppressing the tribal people of Northern Thailand. Additional to the Thai government pressuring for modernization, there are other problems conveying in the lives of the Karen. Many of these problems deal with the use of heroin and prostitution.

Ajarn Zothansiami Ralte, also known as Ajarn Tete, is one of the few women who have been courageous enough to go up against the drug dealers and prostitution solicitors. She started a program to help needy children. In a personal interview with her, she listed the qualifications to be accepted into her program. A child must be either an orphan, come from a big family, or has been requested to be taken into her hostel because of his (or her) impoverish surroundings. Sometimes, a child is accepted into her hostel because the parents are paying for the child’s stay with money.

She sets up different chores for the Lisu, Karen, and Hmong students who come to stay with her, in order to go to school at the Sahamit Private School. The chores are to help these young men and women access their own personal needs while their stay. For instance, the girls gather firewood and bring in waters from the reservoirs while the boys tend to the gardens and the farm animals. These chores are given to the children in order to provide for their living with clothing, food, and water.

Through the chores and living arrangements, Ajarn Tete hopes to teach the children sharing and communication skills. Also, her chores and programs allow the students to achieve a higher self-esteem in who they are, receive mentoring and tutoring with homework assignments from other students and people who come to stay in the hostels as teachers or student groups, and receive occupational training (Goodwin, 1997). Sometimes, the children receive extra tutoring with their writing and speaking skills with the biblical studies provided at the hostel. Like bible school, the children learn how to read write by citing the bible, through prayer, and through singing biblical hymns.

Ajarn Tete’s program not only works with young women who are attending the private school but other women who come to live with Ajarn Tete through an application process. Through occupational training, these women learn how to weave, bake, and sew. During the interview, Ajarn Tete mentioned how the weaving and sewing sessions are also opened to the community. Sometimes, women from the community will come to these sessions and learn certain patterns to go back and work on their own.

Because her sewing and weaving groups are open to both the community women and her students, she hopes that this will help maintain some of the Karen ways of weaving and gain the ability to pass along the different sewing patterns. At the same time, she hopes that by holding the sewing group sessions and weaving classes, she allows the women to work with sewing and weaving machinery they can not afford on their own. Also, she wants the women to more easily access materials to help them weave and sew.

In return for all of Ajarn Tete’s efforts, she wants the students and women from the community to be able to earn a living and not have to worry about other alternatives (Ralte, 1/28/99).

Ajarn Tete has informally opened her baking school. The baking school still needs some machinery and ingredients; but so far, it is the central bakery section of Tete’s hostel.

Before the girls leave her hostel, Tete hopes that the skills they have obtained from sewing, weaving, and baking will help them find jobs in the long run. Also, that these skills that they have obtained in the hostel will grow in the Karen villages.

Continuing Education

 For adults who are looking to gain new job skills and learn better ways to work, the King’s and Queen’s Royal Projects are extensive resources for continuing education. The King’s Royal Project is a non-profit government organization initiated by the king to provide education and other resources for farmers. The projects goal is to help farmers learn and use good agricultural techniques that will increase their yields and lessen the need to expand their farmland further (Steve Bailey, 1/21/99). Some of the strategies they use include making cuttings and grafting plants as well as shifting plants varieties to more effective ones. They also have extension training for farmers and will come to a farmer’s field and demonstrate their ideas to them. They also have one area they use as a demonstration area on their own land for farmers.

The King’s Royal Project also assists farmers in marketing and selling their crops. They have encouraged some farmers to grow more cash crops, such as fruit trees, to increase their incomes and diversify their farming. While this can bring benefits to the Karen farmers in the area, it also increases the farmer’s dependence on the services of the Royal Project. The Project provides materials to farmers in exchange for some of their harvests earnings. It is only with the seeds, fertilizers, transportation, and marketing of the Royal Project that these farmers are successful. For this reason, some Karen are reluctant to take the subsidies offered by the Royal Project. They would prefer to farm independently.

Another option for further occupational training and education is the Queen’s Royal Project. There are a number of project sites in the area, including one at Bon Wat Chan. The project primarily serves women by teaching them how to weave and assisting them in the marketing and selling of their products. Women who participate in the Royal Project can get thread and other supplies by paying for them with a portion of their profits from their finished goods (Hans, 1/20/99). The Royal Project also assists women in the marketing and selling of their products. As transportation to Chiang Mai, Bangkok, and other cities can be difficult and expensive, this service makes it easier for the women to earn money for their labor. While the Royal Project provides women with the skills to weave effectively, they do not teach traditional Karen weaving techniques. Unlike local projects like the one led by Ajarn Tete, the weavers at the Queens Royal Project do not create traditional hill tribes goods. The Royal Project is part of the Thai government and it chooses to create goods demanded by the Thai people. At the time of our visits to two Royal Project sites, both were weaving a solid sky blue fabric to market. Like the King’s Royal Project, the Queen’s Royal Project benefits many Karen people, but success comes at the cost of more dependence on outsiders for their economic survival. Women gain many practical skills from the Royal Project, but often at the cost of not learning traditional Karen crafts.

Religious Education

 Another opportunity for education for the Karen people today is through religious teaching. The Tee Mae Ker Lah Baptist Church is the central venue for religious education among the Karen in the village and it has programs for both children and adults. Children participate in five Sunday school groups where they learn verses, stories, and songs from the Bible. Occasionally, the Sunday school classes will participate in and lead the Sunday church services. Two times a year, there is also a Vacation Bible School program where children have an extended opportunity to learn and play together in a religious setting (Timothy, 1/27/99).

On Sundays, adults have multiple opportunities for religious education. Besides the sermon in the Sunday noon service (10:30-12:00 p.m.), they can participate in the Sunday evening Bible study as well as the other church services that occur throughout the day. On Wednesdays, there is also a Bible study meeting where topics are given out for people to study individually. Pastors and elders go on religious retreats throughout the year and there is a meeting every three months to review the education program at the church (Esther, 1/27/99).

In addition to the formal religious teaching found at the church, family-based education in the home is an important aspect of religion for the Karen. For Timothy and Esther’s family, spiritual education is a significant part of the time they spend together. They have family devotions together, where they stress living according to the lessons in the Bible. Timothy and Esther also incorporate music and singing into their worship. They teach their children Christian songs as well as how to play guitar with them. Most importantly, Timothy and Esther believe that spiritual education should take the form of teaching by example. They try to follow a way of life that is in accordance with God and they hope that their children will learn this lifestyle by watching them (Timothy and Esther, 1/27/99).

Adults in the village also have further occasions for spiritual education in their homes. Couples often learn together, and many follow the topics given for individual Bible study on Wednesdays at home. As men and women gather together for weaving or other social events, the fellowship in the group provides other opportunities to learn and grow together. As nearly everyone in the village in Christian, informal spiritual lessons abound.

The Future of the Karen

There are many kinds of learning, formal and informal, going on in the villages of Mu Si Khee, and new opportunities are coming there all the time. The Changes brought by Christianity and formal education have benefited the Karen in many ways. Learning new and better ways to perform traditional labors and gaining other ways to earn money has increased the standard of living significantly in the village. More people have expanded into other occupations besides rice farming and students have traveled throughout Thailand and abroad. While this has been favorable, increased education has come at a price.

The increased Thai presence education brings to the village has threatened the traditional Karen culture and lifestyle. As we have seen, Karen children are often not following in the footsteps of their parents and grandparents, and many elders have mixed feelings about this. Education brings many opportunities, but also many new questions to answer. If children are to grow up and become rice farmers like their parents, why do they need to go to school? If they do go to school, what can students do with their new knowledge and skills if they return to the village? Do the job opportunities in the village really make education worthwhile?

From our perspective as outsiders, education is valuable and we believe it will be increasingly worthwhile for young people over time. Tourism is growing in northern Thailand, and as transportation to the hill tribes improves, more and more visitors will come. The Karen will need skills in English, business, and other areas in order to adapt to and manage these Changes successfully. If the Karen are unprepared, they will lose even more of their culture to the Thais or others who come with the tourism industry.

Schools for the Karen today are not providing an education comparable to what is found in urban Thai schools. The Karen believe in the importance of education, but they will be left behind if they do not have educational opportunities equal to the rest of Thailand and the world. It is the Karen’s number one goal to gain a better, more equal education, and with their determination and commitment to education, the Karen will soon have it.

Surapon (Su), interview, 27 January, 1999.

Bailey, Steve, interview, 21 January, 1999.

 Boon Na, interview, 18 January, 1999.

 Esther, interview, 27 January, 1999.

 Goodwin, Sharon. So Many Dreams: The Hill Tribes Resources and Development Center at Mu Si Khee. Paper presented to the school for International Training College Semester Abroad, 1997.

 Grunewald, Amy, interview, 26 January, 1999.

 Hans, interview, 20 January, 1999.

 Jantra, interview, 25 January, 1999.

 Leming, Michael, Field Notes: "The Karen People of Tee Mae Ker Lah", 1996.

Marshall, Reverend Harry Ignatius. The Karen People of Burma: A Study in Anthropology and Ethnology. Columbus: Ohio State University, 1922.

Mulder, Niels. Inside Thai Society: An Interpretation of Everyday Life. Bangkok: D.K. Book House, 1992.

Preschool teacher, interview, 20 January, 1999.

Ajarn Sompob, interview, 11 January, 1999.

Swanson, Herb, lecture, 11 January, 1999.

Ajarn Tete, interview, 28 January, 1999.

Tim, interview, 22 January, 1999.

Timothy, interview, 27 January, 1999.

 Udom, interview, 27 January, 1999.

Go To Top 

 Introduction

 In researching the economics of the Tee Mae Ker Lah village and the surrounding areas, the traditions, occupations, and developments of the Karen were addressed. Originally, the region maintained a subsistence agricultural economy. The present economy has evolved as a result of outside influences. Missionaries, Thai government officials, programs, and mandates, along with other Western influences, catalyzed the transformation to a cash economy which can be seen through new job opportunities and an increase of stores and restaurants in the area. Although the focus on the cash economy has been beneficial, it brings forth externalities, such as soil pollution, air pollution, and increased demand for resources. The following discussion will focus on the growth of the cash economy around Tee Mae Ker Lah and the potential outcomes and problems.

Farming

There are two main types of farming: slash and burn and paddy. Slash and burn farming involves clearing an area of trees and then burning the underbrush. The burning process adds minerals to the soil, which helps crops to be grown. Unfortunately, the negative aspects outweigh the positives. This process strips the soil of essential nutrients and leads to more erosion, therefore, only allowing crops to be grown for a few years. As a result, the Karen have begun to utilize the process of paddy farming more often than slash and burn. Additionally, rice grown in paddy farms tastes better and has higher yields. Instead of installing an irrigation system, a paddy farm is flooded by a close river in order to water the crop. Clearly, this displays a financial advantage of paddy farming.

As seen with only these two types of farming, rice was the main crop. For the Karen, rice was always consumed by the family and never sold for profit. The isolation of the villages prevented them from using cash transactions or trade. Since rice continues to be the staple food for the Karen, agriculture remains to be an important aspect of their lifestyle and economy.

Herbal Medicine

Before the introduction of Western medicine to the village, medicine was found in the forest and cultivated by the village medicine man. Traditionally, one individual in the community was responsible for the gathering of herbs. This knowledge of medicinal herbs is usually passed through generations. Boo Na, the Karen Medicine man of Tee Mae Ker Lah, learned about herbal medicine from his father. He explained that as people requested herbs, he would only gather the amount necessary, so as to prolong the herbs existence. However, the demand for herbal medicine has decreased. In Thorn Seng, a health care worker, stated that "a mixture of herbal and pharmaceutical drugs is more effective than just one or the other." He expanded that finding herbal medicines has proven to be increasingly difficult. This Change to combining forms of medicine illustrates the penetration of outside influence.

The Royal Project

Purpose

The Royal Project, created by the King in 1968, serves as a means of improving the standard of living for hilltribes by enabling them to raise income generating crops. In addition to these humanitarian goals, the King wanted to address the problems associated with the cultivation of opium and slash and burn farming. By educating the farmers about profitable crops and different farming techniques, the King hoped to address both of these problems. The King and a group of advisors created this list of objectives:

 To render suitable assistance to hilltribes

To reduce the destruction of natural resources

To stop opium cultivation

To make proper use of the land

To produce crops to the benefit of Thailand economy (Royal Project).

  

History

The Royal Project arose after a decade of trying to control and end opium production in the Northern Thai hills. The government had found little success and realized that it needed to offer alternate forms of income in order for anything to Change. This task was especially difficult in certain areas because opium farming was conducive to this climate and soil content. Furthermore, opium could be stored for long periods, transported in small quantities with little special handling, and created a high income for its producers (Renard, 62).

Plan for the Project

The government, acting on behalf of the King, implemented the Project across the country, but focussed on poor areas and areas of high opium production (Tong Dee). First, the government offers educational opportunities for the farmers in which they learn about different crops and techniques. Then, the Royal Project lends the farmer the inputs necessary to implement the program. In offering the inputs, the government lends seeds, fertilizers, and livestock to the farmers. Inputs also include services, like irrigation machines and education to best manage the generated profits from the sale of the product (Jim Peters).

The Royal Project offers several different means of production: short-term crops, livestock, and long-term crops. The short-term crops imply that the maturation period is four or five months. Examples of these crops include pumpkins, carrots, cabbage, potatoes, gladiolas, and carnations. The livestock options provided by the government include pigs, cows, chickens, and fish. Finally, the long-term crops are the fruit trees, such as plums, pears, coffee, mangoes, and avocados.

The farmers repay the loan by returning the finished crop to the Project to sell. The Project transports the goods to a major market area to sell the product. From the sale, the Project deducts the expenses (the cost of the seeds, fertilizers, etc., and the cost of transportation). Then the Project pays the farmer. The Project, being funded through subsidies, charges only the amount of the expenses because it is a non-profit organization (Pichart).

This project enables the government to curb opium production and increase the farmers’ standard of living through an increased income.

Funding

The government serves as the primary financier of the Royal Project. However, shortly after its establishment the government received assistance from the U.S. Department of Agriculture, who created a contract with Thailand to aid in the efforts of finding alternative crops for opium (Royal Project). It seems that since the Project is funded through the government, the Asian Economic Crisis did not impact the program severely. Unfortunately, money given by the high officials to the program has often been embezzled from the government (Tong Dee).

Satisfaction

The satisfaction of the program is difficult to determine. The Project is run in honor of the Royal Family, therefore, a commoner would never state any type of complaint towards the Royal Family. A comment of this sort would be completely disrespectful. However, the Royal Project also faces a dilemma. A failure of the program in one location reflects poorly on the Royal Family because other locations have been successful (Tong Dee).

Some feelings portrayed by villagers were of dissent. They were often grateful for the opportunities offered by the Project, but skeptical of the Projects’ use of money. Other comments referred to the insufficient education of the farmers and the lack of a real plan. The lack of education resulted in over-fertilization and under-fertilization, as attaining accurate calibrations is often a complicated process. In reference to the "real plan" this refers to the problems faced by introducing new crops. The Project, after attaining success in other regions with crops, transplanted the idea to the Mu Si Khee region. The land and climate were not suitable for these crops, so the efforts were wasted. Had the program researched the area, the climate, and the land, the Project would have been able to make educated suggestions to the farmers.

While feelings of disagreement existed, so did feelings of appreciation. One farmer, Moo See Pa, has worked with the Royal Project for 10 years. When interviewed he appeared appreciative of the opportunities granted by the Project. He has been able to install an irrigation system, use fertilizers, and experiment with new crops.

Problems for the Future

One major issue for the country is the land. Only about 1/4 of the land in the Mu Si Khee area is suitable for crop production (Tong Dee). As a result, the people must be careful not to overuse the land, while working to increase production from the land to feed the increasing population. The population also poses a problem as the parents divide the land to the children. This creates a problem as the size of the farms becomes so small that none of the children are able to fulfill their needs.

Plans for the Future

Due to the limited amount of land, the Program has been working to find new plants which attain increased levels of production. For example, the Project developed a type of rice that yields more than the current strain (Pichart). The Project also believes that its education serves as the means to correctly use the land, with fertilizers and crop rotation.

The Development of Roads

The roads have brought many Changes to the Mu Si Khee area. When Thra Baw Ney came to Mu Si Khee in 1933, which was before the construction of the roads, he noted that the Karen were far from any outside influences and were relatively untroubled by others (Renard, 98). Many residents lived traditional lifestyles until the development of the roads which brought people closer to outside influences. In the 1950s, missionaries from the American Baptist Mission began entering the hills to work with the Karen and support the work of the Karen evangelists like Thra Baw Ney. Both the Baptists and the members of the Overseas Missionary Fellowship brought not only religious Change to the hill people, but also built roads, brought medicines and efficient measures of public health, and suggested new ideas for agricultural crops and livestock (Renard, 48). In 1955, the government completed construction of a road from Chiang Mai to Pai which allowed villagers of the Mu Si Khee area to have access to goods coming by motor vehicles to a r