
's administration Friday proposed exempting domestic violence victims from much of the state's strict welfare overhaul, a dramatic policy reversal that c. 1997 Kansas City Star
KANSAS CITY, Mo.Officials on both sides of the abortion issuelaunched a project Thursday designed to reduce the number of abortions performed in Kansas City.
``This is an unusual press conference,'' said Richard Biery,director of the Kansas City Health Department. ``The real news iswho is at the table today willing to work together on theproblem.''
The $350,000 Alternatives to Abortion Pilot Project comprisesthe local health department, a clinic where abortions areperformed, hospitals, family-planning providers and agencies thatoffer abortion alternative services.
Biery said that a similar project was under way in St. Louis andthat Pennsylvania was the only other state with a comparableprogram.
The project is aimed at women who are likely to seek repeatabortions. Biery said that 37 percent to 50 percent of womengetting abortions in Missouri have had a previous one.
Kay Strom, a nurse consultant for the Missouri Department ofHealth, said the agency met with abortion-rights advocates,abortion opponents and hospital and health department officials insetting up the project.
``The similarities of what was said in the pro-life meetings andthe pro-choice meetings were dramatic,'' Strom said. ``Everyone'sintent was to lower the number of abortions. And everyone felt thatthere were far too many repeat abortions.''
Agencies involved are the Kansas City Health Department, whichwill oversee the program; Catholic Charities of Kansas City-St.Joseph; the LIGHT House, a home for unwed pregnant women; theMaternal and Child Health Coalition of Greater Kansas City; PlannedParenthood of Mid-Missouri and Eastern Kansas; St. Luke's Hospital;Truman Medical Center; the University of Missouri-Kansas City; andthe Women's Employment Network.
c.1997 San Francisco Examiner
SAN FRANCISCOIn its efforts to combat gay and lesbiandomestic violence, San Francisco has become the first city in thenation to hire a full-time advocate to work with victims and helpeducate police and community groups about same-sex violence.
Crystal Weston, who was hired at the end of 1996 by the city'sdistict attorney's office, believes that gay, lesbian, bisexual andtransgender victims of domestic violence have been woefullyunder-served by the criminal justice system.
Just how under-served is difficult to determine becausestatistics on same-sex domestic violence are scanty, but it isbelieved to haunt gay relationships at the same rate as it doesheterosexual ones.
Gay community activists in six cities compiled a survey lastyear that found 1,566 incidents of gay and lesbian domesticviolence.
The Community United Against Violence, a San Francisco agency,logged 347 reports of such domestic violence in 1995 from victimswho phoned the group's hot line. That was more than the 324reported incidents of anti-gay harassment and violence.
To many gays and lesbians, the legal system is too daunting,said Weston, a graduate of Northeastern University law school and aformer fellow with the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights.
``One of the main problems is homophobia,'' she said. ``Policeofficers and other authority figures have a hard time recognizinglovers in same-sex relationships. Often both parties are arrestedand it's deemed mutual combat.''
``The DA's office has come a long way in a short time; theproblem is often with responding police,'' said Greg Merrill ofCUAV, which offers counseling and referrals to victims and hasstarted a hotel voucher program for men who need to escapedangerous relationships. ``More often than not the police arrest noone, arrest both people or they arrest the wrong person.''
Susan Breall, managing attorney with the district attorney'sdomestic violence unit, said police officers are now routinelytaught to recognize the primary aggressor in domestic violencecases.
An investigation checklist given to San Francisco policeofficers during training includes specific questions that should becovered. The victim's emotional and physical state are supposed tobe documented and both victim and suspect are supposed to beinterviewed and examined for injuries.
``Don't just book the winner ...'' accompanying materialcautions. ``Remember, size differential is not determinative; thelarger of the two parties is not necessarily the primaryaggressor.''
Besides being wary of police, many victims don't report domesticviolence because they're afraid of their partners, don't want to beidentified as gay, or fear they'll lose custody of children, saidWeston.
In any case, abuse is often hard to prove. Denial by thebatterer is common, said Weston. ``Batterers as a group tend to bevery charming, respectable and appealing personality types,'' shesaid. ``People question, `Could this person have done this?'''Breall said training must go beyond police to judges and juries.
``Once I had a case in front of an insensitive judge who figuredthe victim was a man who could take care of himself,'' said Breall.``I had him take off his shirt to show the large welt marks frombeing whipped. When the judge saw the hideousness of thoseinjuries, he raised bail, which is what I'd been asking for.''
Only recently has state law recognized that same-sex domesticviolence exists. In 1994, state law on domestic violence waschanged by eliminating the phrase ``persons of the opposite sex''from the Penal Code. Breall estimated her office took up about 15same-sex domestic violence cases last year. Most were handled asmisdemeanors.
By far, most same-sex cases in the courts involve men, Westonsaid.
``Women are more reluctant to come forward,'' she said.``They're taught to accept their plight.''
Christy Chung, who works with the Asian Women's Shelter, helpedfound the Queer Asian Women's Services Project after surviving anabusive relationship.
``It didn't even occur to me to get a restraining order,'' shesaid. ``It took me another year or so to even name it as domesticviolence. I didn't think that's what I could call it because wewere two women.''
David Carter, who was a stalking victim, said the system workedfor him once he decided to aggressively pursue his case.
When he first called police after a man he'd casually datedbegan harassing and following him, they were dubious, he said.
Carter, the credit manager at a downtown San Francisco hotel,joined a support group at CUAV and persisted in building his caseby getting a restraining order and calling police when the mansmashed his windshield and attacked him.
Finally, the man received a yearlong prison sentence.
``I had to prove my case harder than a woman would, but not ashard as I would have if I lived in Missouri,'' he said.
``The system can work, but it's not easy.''
c.1997 The Boston Globe
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BOSTON -- Governor William F. Weld
's administration Fridayproposed exempting domestic violence victims from much of thestate's strict welfare overhaul, a dramatic policy reversal thatmay allow tens of thousands of battered women to get checks withouthaving to find jobs.
A recent study in Worcester, Mass. found that one-third of allpoor women were in ongoing abusive situations, and that 61 percenthad suffered some abuse as an adult. Claire McIntire, Weld'swelfare commissioner, said those disturbing statistics convincedher that some of the tougher planks of the state's welfare overhaulcould jeopardize the health and safety of many women.
Under the new plan, recipients who can prove they are inimminent danger, or that they cannot work for otherviolence-related reasons, will be excused from three of the state'sstrictest welfare rules: the work requirement, the two-year timelimit on benefits and the ``family cap,'' which ends the automaticincrease in welfare checks for recipients who have additionalchildren.
If the Worcester study is correct, and other studies havereached similar findings, a large percentage of the state's 78,000welfare recipients may be eligible to apply for the temporarywaivers. The state plans to determine on a case-by-case basis whento reevaluate the exemption and make the women vulnerable again tothe work requirement and other rules.
``This is not backing away from welfare reform; this is inkeeping with welfare reform,'' McIntire said. ``We want our rulesto help families become self-sufficient. We don't want them to makea situation even worse.''
^@Advocates for the poor praised Friday's decision, whilecomplaining that it was long overdue. They noted that Weld hastilted to the left on their concerns ever since his defeat at thehands of US Senator John F. Kerry in November; they are delightedby his new outlook, but deeply skeptical about his motives. Andwhile Weld has been outspoken on domestic violence, the advocatescomplained that words have not matched his deeds when it comes towelfare recipients.
``I'm thrilled the administration is taking this step,'' saidBrian Flynn, a lawyer at Greater Boston Legal Services. ``To behonest, I don't think they've taken these domestic violence issuesvery seriously in the past.''
The Department of Transitional Assistance has granted occasionalwaivers to women in life-threatening situations ever since thewelfare overhaul went into effect in November 1995. But the federalwelfare law President Clinton
signed last August encouraged statesto expand waivers or at least offer services for battered women onwelfare; so far, 22 states have done so.
The new rules, which could go into effect as early as Aprilafter a public comment period, will not make the waivers automaticfor all victims of abuse. But they will make them much moreaccessible. The department will also begin domestic violencetraining for all staff members in welfare offices, from topmanagers to receptionists.
The Massachusetts overhaul is one of the strictest in thenation, and the three provisions that would be affected by thischange are the main reasons for that. The workfare requirementgives able-bodied recipients with school-age children 60 days tostart working 20 hours a week. The time limit restricts mostable-bodied recipients to 24 months of benefits within a 60-monthperiod. And the family cap denies additional benefits to recipientswho have additional children.
After more than a year of the new system, the Weldadministration is now conceding that those rules are particularlytough on abused women. Some victims worry that taking a steady jobcould expose their whereabouts and endanger their children. Otherssay they are too traumatized to work. Others say their batterersprevent them from holding jobs by harassing them at work. Stateofficials and advocates also worry that some women, should theylose benefits, will return to dangerous relationships.
Advocates readily acknowledge that some battered women are quitecapable of working, and should be encouraged to do so. The realquestion, they say, is how lenient the administration will be indeciding who gets a waiver.
``How do you make the distinction between who can work and whocan't?'' said Dr. Ellen Bassuk, the Harvard Medical Schoolpsychiatrist who authored the Worcester study. ``Some of thesewomen are not capable of holding a job, and without cashassistance, they won't have a prayer. They're going to return totheir batterers, or they're going to end up homeless.''
In recent months, Weld has made several high-profile policymoves on welfare reform, and most have pleased his usual critics.Under heavy pressure to find out what was happening to familiesleaving the rolls, he ordered the welfare department to conduct astudy. Then he pledged to help immigrants who lose benefits underthe federal welfare overhaul. Then his budget included sharpincreases for child care, job training and other human services.
Now he is reaching out to battered women. The workfarerequirement already applies to only 20 percent of the caseload, andthe new rules will limit it further. That will cost Massachusettssome money, although the administration does not yet know how much.It also raises questions about the administration's commitment torequiring recipients to work.
``Nobody wants to hurt battered women,'' said a Republicancongressional staffer. ``The question is, who qualifies as abattered woman? You don't want to water down the idea of work.That's the whole point of welfare reform.''
Weld aides say they are doing nothing to water down reform. Theysay they are simply responding to statistics.
c.1997 The Boston Globe
They played pivotal roles in passing the Family and MedicalLeave Act, they fought for abortion rights, they ousted Sen. BobPackwood for sexual harassment, and they turned the rowdy, sexuallycharged US Navy Tailhook convention into a cause celebre. They arethe women of Washington, and in ``Women on the Hill,'' ClaraBingham offers a lively and informative look at four womenlawmakers as they navigate the House and the Senate and try to dotheir part for womankind. If their successes were an unusual grace note in the march ofofficial Washington, then so is this chronicle of their travailsand triumphs. Bingham has fashioned a compelling narrative of howSenators Patty Murray The 1992 election was a heady one for women politicians. Theirranks swelled from 29 to 48 in the House and from two to six in theSenate. No longer was Schroeder, a veteran Democrat from Colorado,a lonely voice on abortion, on sexual harassment, on medicalresearch for women at the National Institutes for Health. Now shehad company and she had to share the spotlight, something thatoccasionally created tension among the members of the women'scaucus and with another veteran, Slaughter, a Democrat from upstateNew York. Slaughter is more of an inside player than Schroeder, whorecently retired from politics to teach. With a seat on thepowerful Rules Committee, which determines who gets to offer whatamendments on the floor, Slaughter used her influence quietly.Schroeder, on the other hand, with her easy quips for everyoccasion, tended to influence events through the press. They werejoined in the 103rd Congress by Cynthia McKinney, a brash andbrilliant Democrat from Georgia. As an African American, too,McKinney occasionally viewed the women's fights from a slightlydifferent angle. Over in the Senate, Murray was the Democratic ``mom in tennisshoes'' from Washington State. Her plain talk about such lifeexperiences as losing a secretarial job for getting pregnant becameknown as ``Patty-speak'' among the Senate staff. And while shespoke out against sexual harassment on the Senate floor, she evenhad her own brush with improper touching in a Capitol Hill elevatorby Sen. Strom Thurmond As the summer of 1993 began, the women of the House faced theirtoughest challenge, and failed. The fight over whether the federalgovernment should pay for poor women's abortions was emblematic oftheir desire to seize power but also of their parliamentarygreenness. The women had wrested control of the issue away frommore senior, prochoice Democratic men. But in the end, it was arout, with the staunchest abortion foe, Rep. Henry J. Hyde,victorious. Day after day for weeks, Schroeder met with the nonpartisanHouse parliamentarians to map out a strategy for defeating Hyde'sinfamous amendment prohibiting the government from paying forabortions unless a woman's life was in danger. As she walked ontothe House floor the morning of June 30, she had no inkling of thechaos that was to erupt. When Schroeder and Rep. Nita Lowey of New York had asked ifthere were any other tricks Hyde could pull, the parliamentarianhad assured them that they were prepared. Nevertheless, Hyde founda way to win, using a little-known precedent dating back to 1908,to attach his amendment to the spending bill that funds Medicaid,which in turn covers the medical bills of poor women. The debacle for the women, however, turned into a fight aboutracism when McKinney exploded on the floor: ``Quite frankly, I havejust about had it with my colleagues who vote against people ofcolor, vote against the poor, and vote against women.'' Hyde thenlectured McKinney about her community and about the abortions thatare conducted there. ``I'll tell you what we'll do, we'll give youa free abortion because there are too many of you people, and wewant to kind of refinerefine the breed,'' he said facetiously.``And I tell you, if you read the literature, that is what is said,and that is what is done. ...'' The House floor erupted as the African-American women jeered,looking as if they were about to rush up to Hyde and strangle him.By the end of the day, Hyde had apologized. Weeks later, even theparliamentarian who had misled Schroeder and Lowey about Hyde'stactical options apologized. In the meantime, the women lawmakersheld a press conference that turned into a group castigationsession as they blamed themselves for seizing defeat from surevictory. ``We have some learning to do,'' McKinney said. AddedSlaughter, ``We really showed them that we could be had.'' The Democratic women of that Congress had their victories, too.But by the 1994 election, many of the newcomers were sent packingby an electorate desiring Republican change. Even so, Bingham hasopened a window on what goes on behind a few of the closed mahoganydoors of Capitol Hill. A0473 BC-FEATURE-$ADV16-BUDGET-BOS 196 14:55 S V For Release SUNDAY, February 16, 1997. A0463 AM-ADD-NYT-BUDGET 652 14:43 U V A0404 BC-HEARST-NEWS-BUDGET-HNS 347 14:01 U V Friday, Feb. 14, 1997 A0392 BC-BUDGET-FEATURE-SPI 297 13:55 U V The Seattle Post-Intelligencer plans to move the followingstories for clien A0369 AM-NYT-BUDGET 686 13:36 U V (gm) A0309 BC-LISTENING-POST-NYT 1976 13:06 U V No. 399, February 13-14, 1997 A0135 BC-HEARST-FEATURE-BUDGET-HNS 625 10:47 U V Friday, Feb. 14, 1997 A0076 BC-PHOTO-LITE-CLIENTS-NYT 461 10:12 U V A0009 BC-FEATURES-BUDGET-COX 868 09:08 U V COX NEWS SERVICE BUDGET A9960 BC-BONG-BULL-NYT 1328 08:23 U V No. 410 for Feb. 14 A9927 BC-GREETINGS-NYT 245 07:09 U V EDITORS: NATIONAL GENERAL A1273 BC-STATEHOUSE-DOME-BOS 1046 22:57 U A BAY STATE'S CAPITOL LOSING ITS GILT EDGE A1272 BC-WELD-WELFARE-BOS 994 22:57 U A MASSACHUSETTS MOVES TO HELP BATTERED WOMEN WITH WELFARE A1263 BC-SYMINGTON-AZR 661 22:16 R A SYMINGTON REDUCES DEBT, SETTLES BANKRUPTCY LAWSUIT A1261 BC-NY-GANG-SOLITARY-NYT 900 22:14 U A GANG LEADER IS SENTENCED TO LIFE IN SOLITARY CONFINEMENT A1260 BC-OBIT-MALLARY-NYT 642 22:12 U A (ATTN: Mass., N.Y., Ohio, Calif., N.M.) 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and Representatives Cynthia McKinney, LouiseSlaughter, and Patricia Schroeder maneuvered their way throughCongress from 1993 to 1994.
, the 94-year-old Republican from SouthCarolina.
c.1997 Cox News Service